



^. 












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The Moral Aims 

THE "war 



WALTER LAIDLAW, Editor 




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The Moral Aims 
of the War 



Compricing a series of addresses given at 
an all day Interchurch Clerical Conference 
in the City of New York, April 4th, 1918. 



Issued under the direction of the Organizing Chairman 

REV. WALTER LAIDLAW, Ph. D. 

Executive Secretary The New York Federation of Churches 




New York Chicago 

Fleming H. Revell Company 

London Edinburgh 



Copyright, 1918, by 
FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY 



JAN 17 19]-^^ 

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PREFACE 

Serbia's refusal to surrender her sovereignty, 
hough threatened by the Pan-German guns, was 
aoral; consent would have been a breach of trust 
ovvard her people on the part of the Serbian 
overnment. 

France's war was moral from the moment when 
taly declined to retain her membership in the 
Tiple Alliance, on the ground that the Central 
^owers were entering upon **a war of aggression." 

The immediacy of Italy's moral judgment, and 
er friendly urgency in acquainting France with 
er decision, thereby releasing troops from defend- 
ig the southern French frontier, will laurel Italy 
3r all time. 

Belgium'^ resistance was moral, both in its 
elations to her own people, and to the co-signa- 
ories, Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia and 
Russia, who, Nov. 15, 1831, guaranteed her 
eutrality. 

Great Britain's rush to the relief of Belgium 
^as as moral and chivalrous as Germany's invasion 
f Belgian soil was immoral and rapacious. 

The war had moral elements and aims years 
•efore America entered it. 

On the very day when England entered it, 
Lugust 4, 1914, the Chancellor of the German 
Empire, von Bethmann-Hollweg, made a con- 
Bssion of the criminality of Germany's conduct of 
/hich there can be no avoidance when reparations 

3 



4 PREFACE 

are discussed: "This is contrary to internationa 
law/' 

Sir George Adam Smith, in BibUcal phrasej 
says (p. 41), that the path to moral decision wa^ 
instantly plain to Great Britain. 

It was equally plain to millions in AmericJ 
from the moment when the German guns belcheij 
their murderous fire in the face of the peacefvi 
Belgians. That diabolism dynamited internationci 
law. It proved there was a power in Europe a 
war with the evolutions of Christian civilization 
It explained the unwillingness of Germany am 
Austria, in 1907, at the Second Hague Conference 
to agree, like the other nations represented, to th 
principle and practice of arbitration of intei' 
national disputes. Such an agreement on the? 
part would have cut athwart that **will to powen 
which Germany was cultivating as its national 
religion. 

As Bernhardi's Bible of brutality, "German 
and the Next War," and Cheradame's expose ( 
Pan-Germanism's programme, "The Pan-Germa 
Plot Unmasked," became familiar to America 
readers, they realized that the war was a crusac 
to save Christian civilization. 

In this view of the War the directorate of tl 
New York Federation of Churches were a un 
from the first, and the writer, as its Executi^i 
Secretary, was encouraged to engage in ant 
pacifist activities. 

He has arranged or addressed over 200 meeting 
since September, 1914, at which the League 
Nations idea has been advocated. 



PREFACE 5 

' Many of these meetings were held before the 
.eague to Enforce Peace was organized at Phila- 
lelphia, in 1915. 

In September of that year the Federation was 
ommitted to formal approval of it, and early in 
l916 the sentiment of the clergy of New York, as 
o the need of America's increase of her armament, 
,0 discharge her duties as a member of it, was 
convincingly ascertained. 

The vote v/as 190 to 25 in favor of preparedness. 

In February of 1917, two months before Presi- 
ient Wilson addressed Congress, 380 clergy ap- 
proved the cashiering of the German ambassador; 
he attitude of the President on U-boat warfare, 
md universal service, as against professional 
irmies, as the most democratic form of defense; 
md the President was promised co-operation in 
ivhatever else he might do for the defense of 
lA^merica and of civilization. 
; When the Nation actually entered into War, 
and the first of the Liberty Loans was under way, 
the writer was asked to prepare a sermonic sugges- 
tion pamphlet for the clergy of the whole country, 
and the same service was requested and performed 
in connection with the flotation of the Second 
Liberty Loan. 

The meeting of April 4, 1918, at which the 
addresses contained in this volume were delivered, 
formally opened the meetings in the interest of 
the Third Liberty Loan, as the Interchurch 
Clerical Conference meeting of September 23, 1918, 
formally opened the Fourth. 

The National Committee on the Churches and 
the Moral Aims of the War is a joint committee 



PREFACE 



I 



representing the Church Peace Union and tl: 
League to Enforce Peace, and the meeting 
April 4, 1918, was promoted by it and by tl 
PubHcity Committee of the Liberty Loan organ 
zation of the Second Federal Reserve district, bi 
arranged as to all its details by the writer. 

Three hundred clergy who had signed in Febn 
ary, 1917, the manifesto of the New York Feden 
tion of Churches, which had been sent to Presider; 
Wilson, and gratefully acknowledged on his behal 
were the Vice-Chairmen of the meeting. 

It was opened by a presentation of the pligU 
and rights of the peoples ravaged by Germany 
aggressions, Serbia, Luxemburg, Poland, Armenic 

The speakers of this section were readily secure 
in New York — authoritative, and most of thei; 
eye-witnesses of Germany's barbarisms. 

Then followed the great address of Sir Georg 
Adam Smith, the guest in America of the Nations 
Committee on the Churches and the Moral Aim 
of the War, on ** Great Britain's Part in the War, 
with the statement, pathetic in its relations 
Peters warming themselves by the fire, that Grea; 
Britain rejoiced almost as much at the confirmcl 
tion of her judgment on the morality of the war a 
at the accession to her side of America's materic 
resources. The preachers of Christian suprai 
nationalism before our country entered the Wai 
and declaiming that preparedness to discharge, b 
force, duties incumbent upon us as members d 
the family of nations, would ''deamericanize ou 
beloved America and dechristianize our Christ! 
anity" were blind leaders — until April 6, 191 'J^ 
(some of them are yet), somewhat Pharisaic 



PREFACE 7 

moreover, in setting up their non-resistance 
millennialism, as superior, in its loyalty to Christ, 
to the covenanted consecration, even unto death, 
of those Scotch, English, Irish and Canadians 
who saved France, England— yes, and America— in 
September, 1914. 

What but an admission of their idle speaking 
is to-day due from preachers identifying soldiery 
and antichrist in 1914-1917 when they to-day 
find such religious men as Pershing, Haig, Foch 
at the head of the Allied armies? 

Some of these preachers, if not pro-German, 
were at least anti-British in the early days of the 
War. If Sir George's words are now taken by them 
at full value, they must confess that the Spirit 
who takes of the things of Christ, convincing of 
sin and righteousness and judgment, was tardily 
admitted to their souls. If they do not take Sir 
George's word at full value, what place can they 
have in the reconstruction of world-order after 
the War.? Should they be welcomed beside men 
who have suffered in mind, body, estate and 
family as have the four-year fighters, for righteous- 
ness' sake, of Great Britain, France, Belgium and 
Italy? Can men who endeavored to dissuade 
their own country from arming itself to do its 
duty as a member of a League of Nations, proposed 
after the War broke out, unless openly repentant, 
be trusted in the day when we shall all be thanking 
God that American arms assisted to drive back 
the militarism which British and French bravery 
had held in check? 

In that day the project of a League of Nations 
must have large and leading place. 

Its parallel was proposed in the closing years of 



8 PREFACE 

the Sixteenth Century to curb ''the extortion of 
the Hapsburgs." It can include Germany and 
Austria now only if the power of Hapsburgs and 
Hohenzollerns is broken. 

Mr. Marburg's address (pp. 78-86), gives a 
wonderfully inclusive account of its present con- 
dition. His statement of the proper remedy for 
the anarchy of Russia and the treachery of Lenine, 
viz., a Japanese army, is not of course an essential 
of the League's programme. 

Five hundred clergy heard the after luncheon 
addresses of Sir George, Mr. Marburg and Mr. 
Morgenthau. 

In the evening, at the Fifth Avenue Presby- 
terian Church, Sir George spoke again, as a repre- 
sentative of Great Britain, and Dean Brown, of 
Yale, and Dr. Talcott Williams, of Columbia's 
School of Journalism, represented America, while 
Dr. John Henry Jowett, about to release his 
pastorate, was a representative of both. 

If Calvinism had suffered any from the pacifism 
of some of its preachers and recent seminary 
graduates, it gained absolution that night from the 
unqualified Christian militantism of Dr. Jowett. 

'There can be no nesting agreement between 
the dove of peace and the present German eagle" 
is not a mere epigram: it is a thunderbolt of 
moral judgm.ent, and a flaming prophecy. 

Dr. Boynton's scintillating chairmanship of the 
luncheon in the Hotel Biltmore gave it the atmos- 
phere in which Roman Catholic, Greek, Protestant 
and Jewish clergy all felt at home. 

WALTER LAIDLAW, 
October 7, 1918. Organizing Chairman. 



CONTENTS. 

Page 

\ddress by Rev. Nehemiah Boynton, D.D. 11 
Vddress by Rev. John Henry Jowett, D.D.. . . 13 
The Plight and the Rights of Serbia. By 

Prof. Michael I. Pupin 18 

rhe Plight and the Rights of Poland. By 

Countess Laura de G. Turczynov/icz 24 

rhe Plight and the Rights of Armenia. By 

Hon. Henry Morgenthau, LL.D 34 

jreat Britain's Part in the War. By Sir 

George Adam Smith 41 

The Battle for True Peace. By Sir George 

Adam Smith 52 

America's Part in the War. By Dean Charles 

R. Brown, D.D., LL.D 62 

Address by Talcott Williams, LL.D 74 

The League of Nations. By Hon. Theodore 

Marburg, LL.D 78 

The Churches and the Liberty Loan. By 

Mr. Guy Emerson 87 

Address by Mr. Brooks Leavitt 93 



The Moral Aims of the War 

Addresses of the Presiding Officers 

I 

ADDRESS BY THE 

REV. NEHEMIAH BOYNTON, D. D. 

President of The New York Federation of Churches 

THE ministers of this great center are over- 
whelmingly, absolutely and persistently 
committed to loyalty to our Government, 
and to the faith that the principles of righteousness 
and of justice which are being challenged to-day 
are to be reasserted and re-enthroned, at whatever 
cost, and at whatever sacrifice. It is of the very 
first importance that this simple proposition 
should not even by a vagrant suspicion be invali- 
dated in the judgment, or in the knowledge of any 
part of the world, not even if we have to take aero- 
planes and send the message behind the lines of 
the adversary. Our ministers are with the people 
in this great fight; and like the redeemed of the 
Lord in other relationships of life, they are neither 
afraid nor ashamed to ''say so." 

We are supposed to be a company of men who, 
by the importance of the various positions which 
we occupy, are familiar with the proportion of 
things, and that is fine; but woe to us if because 
of our position we are so familiar with or interested 
in the proportion of things that we lose the sense 
of the emphasis of things; for just at present it is 
the business of the ministers of our country, not 

11 



12 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

only to sense the wider relationships of the impli- 
cations of this tremendous struggle, but also by the 
one clear note of their personal affirmation and 
declaration to leave no question in the minds of 
any who wait upon their ministry as to the quality 
of their devotion on the one hand, — the insistence 
of their soul, upon the other, that everything they 
have and are and hope to be, is to be placed at the 
disposal of this great issue, which can only be 
rightly adjudicated when the things for which we 
stand united, ethical and spiritual, shall once more 
be confessed in their world-v/ide swing, and in their 
universal dominance and power. 

That is the significance of this day which calls 
us together to meditate concerning the m^oral 
relationships of the war and to be instructed and 
inspired by men who in the various departments 
of life are capable of giving us words which shall 
afford courage equal to our day. A victory is 
always empty except it is filled to overflowing 
with an ethical content. The thing which we 
long for and which we expect, God granting it, in 
the not too distant future, is not simply a victory 
which shall represent raw strength and power of 
human might, but a victory which shall also 
represent the elevation of ethical sentiment, and 
the wide inclusions in our world of religious princi- 
ples. That is why to-day our attention, grounded 
in loyalty to our country and our cause with our 
Allies, is being turned to ethical considerations in 
order that our spirits may be again afire and aflame 
with the loyalty which is as broad as the need of 
man, and with a devotion which reaches to the 
very depths of our souls. 



II 

ADDRESS BY THE 
REV. JOHN HENRY JOWETT, D.D. 

Pastor Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church 

THIS meeting is called for the serious con- 
sideration of the moral aims of this gigantic 
war. It is a meeting in the interest of 
peace, but a righteous peace, a rational peace, 
and therefore a healthy and enduring peace. We 
are not here tonight to profess our belief that peace 
is the first of human interests. There is an interest 
which has priority over peace, which, indeed, is the 
parent of all real peace, its originating im.pulse and 
strength. Righteousness is the great gathering 
ground on which the river of peace takes its rise- 
"Oh, that thou hadst barkened to my command, 
mentl Then had thy peace been like a river." 
And the river of peace is always that kind of 
affluence; it is just the inevitable issue of high and 
just relationships. Therefore we are not gathered 
here tonight to seek to invert the Divine order and 
give peace a place which it does not possess, unless 
it has usurped the throne of another. We are lovers 
of peace, every man in the pulpit tonight, and 
every man in the audience tonight who sympathizes 
with this gathering. We are all lovers of peace, 
but we do not mean by peace something syno- 
nymous with spiritual benumbment, and ignoble 
quietness, and moral indifference. We value 
righteousness, in a sense, as of higher worth than 

13 



14 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

quietness, and we esteem our honor as more pre- 
cious than our peace. And therefore I think we 
ought to say at the outset of the meeting that we 
are not here to urge upon President Wilson and upon 
the American Government any premature and 
unclean compromise. 

I think our first premise in all our reasoning 
about national or international righteousness is 
this, that there can be no kind of healthy peace 
where wrong is enthroned and rampant. You 
cannot make union between the clean and the un- 
clean. You cannot have concord between Christ 
and Belial. There can be no kind of, shall I say, 
nesting agreement, between the dove of peace and 
the present German eagle. Any pretended recon- 
ciliation about which we may speak here tonight, 
any pretended reconciliation in which the flagrant 
iniquity is allowed to enter into the agreement at 
all, would in reality be no agreement: it would only 
be the fertile breeding ground of still further 
inflammatory strife and war; and I think of any 
such premature and of any such unrighteous agree- 
ment, the old prophetic indictment might still be 
written, **Your covenant with death shall be dis- 
annulled and your agreement with hell shall not 
stand." Therefore, because of several letters which 
I have received during the last few days, I think 
it needful as Chairman of the meeting to say these 
words lest the purpose of the meeting should be 
misinterpreted. There is no one who is to speak 
here tonight, and there is no one who is going to 
speak in the series of meetings which are to be 
held throughout the country, who does not believe 
that the first thing we have got to do is to win the 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 15 

ir. The first thing we have got to do is to win the 

IT by vanquishing a mihtant, intolerant and 

tolerable autocracy. We are further agreed 

out this, I think I may say, all my colleagues 

10 will speak to the meeting tonight, that if we 

e to win the war we must raise and marshal all 

e moral and spiritual forces of the Church and of 

e country in support of President Wilson. He 

)w stands, not only in the eyes of his own people. 

It in the eyes of the world, as the great and dis- 

tiguished representative of our sacred cause. 

We cannot fight and beat autocracy by merely 

itocratic means. Satan cannot cast out Satan. 

^e cannot oust a brutal materialism by merely 

aterialistic equipment, and if our victory, of 

hich I am as sure as I am sure of my Lord, if 

or victory is to be clean and radical, thorough 

id complete, we shall have to range behind our 

laterial forces, energies of a far m^ore tremendous 

rder. We must mobilize the forces that are 

orn of spiritual vision, the forces that spring 

om moral convictions, the forces of lofty purpose 

nd divine communion; we m_ust have concern 

)r the ethereal things about which we are here 

Dnight, the ethereal things that lie behind and 

eyond the material things, those mystic horsemen 

nd chariots that in the olden days were seen by 

le eyes of faith to throng the mountains of ancient 

srael, and it is in order that our minds and hearts 

light be lifted to these eternal things, which, after 

.11, are the true governors of the transient things: 

hese eternal things are the abiding things of the 

kingdom, and the primary things of the Christian 

Church — it is that we might have our minds 



16 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 



lifted to these things that we are met here tonigl 
and that these meetings are to be held throughoi 
the States. 

One other thing I would like to say. Our ey 
are to be lifted, and I am glad to have the reli 
of the larger vision, because after all my friend 
the best way — how shall I put it — the best moc 
in which to fight a single battle is to keep yoi 
mind on the whole campaign. It is the lor 
view just now that gets you through the inc. 
It is looking unto the end that will get us throug 
the immediate conflict; and I am glad that pa 
of our purpose tonight is to have our minds liftc 
to the contemplation of things that lie behind; 
even the ultimate end of the war. For whe 
these moral and spiritual forces of which I ha^ 
been speaking have driven out, as they will, tl 
evil spirit of this militant autocracy, then the^ 
very same powers will have to go forward, an 
reconstitute that emancipated world by reconstruc 
ting the relationships, the common relationship 
both of men and of nations, lest a worse spir 
enter in and the last state of mankind be worr 
than the first. 

And so this m.eeting tonight, and all thej 
meetings, are intended to prepare and disciplir 
our vision for a nobler world order, and to ei 
courage us to anticipate a larger and more fratern; 
relationship between race and race, and betwee 
nation and nation, and between man and mai 
What I mean to say is just this: That the mor; 
and spiritual forces which win the war are the 
to effect the moral transformation of mankind 
That may seem a long way off, and that^ m^ay seen 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 17 

very far away. The immediate hour — and we 
are all buying every edition of the papers as they 
ome out in order that we may see what is hap- 
pening in the momentous season — the immediate 
hour is very ominous, it is full of trouble and full 
Df menace, and full of fear. But let my closing 
word be this, if there is one thing on the pages of 
history where the record is more clear than another, 
it is this, in all great movements of emancipating 
crusades, the most appalling hour of frightfulness 
has been the very hour of final redemption. 

I don't know how far my brother ministers in 
the church, in the congregation, may have — they 
must have, of course, it is upon the surface of 
things — noticed the significance of that tremendous 
word in the record where it says, **And it came to 
pass that the evil spirit tore and rent him sore, 
and came out of him." The moment of frightful- 
ness was the moment of emancipation. The 
moment of real rending and tearing, the last fight 
for possession, was the very moment of a dawning 
reedom. And, my Christian friends and com- 
rades in this one cause, the present moment is 
the time of the rending and the tearing and the 
>vil spirit is fighting fiercely for possession. To- 
morrow it will be out, and the world will rejoice 
in a newly discovered and glorious emancipation. 



I 

THE PLIGHT AND THE RIGHTS OF SERBIA 
PROF. MICHAEL I. PUPIN 

Serbian Consul; Professor in Columbia University 

AS an introduction to my subject, it is well 
to state briefly who are the Serbians. 
The Serbians are Serbs. I am a Serb, 
but I am not a Serbian today, because I am an 
American citizen. Serb is a race, and Serbian is a 
political name. The Serbian means a Serb who 
lives in the Kingdom of Serbia. A Serb is of the 
same race as the people in Serbia, but he may live 
anywhere; and as a matter of fact, half of the 
Serb race are living in Austria-Hungary, and the 
other half in Serbia. 

if There are about 50,000 Serbs in this country. 
There are from Austria 99 per cent., and 1 per cent, 
from Serbia. Now, how do you explain it, that, j 
of every 100 Serbs who come to the United States, 
99 are from Austria and 1 from Serbia? The answer 
is that the economic condition of the poor man of 
the Serbs in Serbia is 99 times as good as that of 
the Serbs in Austria. That may be, perhaps, 
a more or less rough calculation and comparison, 
but roughly speaking it is true. The Serb in 
Austria is 99 times worse off economically and 
otherwise than the' Serb in Serbia. And that is 
the reason why they emigrate. They work in 
our coal mines, in our copper mines, and on our 

18 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 19 

lilroad tracks; they work in the Steel Trust*s 
lants, and they work in the timber lands of the 
lorthwest. They are all hard working men. 

Now, so much for the Serbs, and for the Serbs 
1 Serbia. You know where they live today, 
'hey lived there for a thousand years nearly, 
n the fourteenth century the Serbian Czardom 
^as overrun by the Turks, and the Serbia of the 
erbs disappeared as a State. They became Serbia 
f the Turks. Then, owing to different wars and 
olitical readjustments, some came under Austria; 
he others remained under Turkey. Those who 
^ere under Austria had to fight for Austria. Most 
f them formed a military frontier of Austria. 
was born there. I came from the military frontier 
f Austria. My ancestors came to Austria in 
690 from Old Serbia on the condition that they 
ettle along the Southern frontier and defend it 
gainst the Turks, which we did, in exchange for 
irivileges, spiritual and political, which Austria 
lever gave us; she only promised. 

Now, the Serbs were overrun by the Turks. 
Vhen the Turkish wave reached Vienna and came 
>ack again, they had to help the Austrians drive 
he Turks back across the Danube. They did it. 

Then in 1804 they started a revolution for the 
lurpose of getting economic and political freedom 
rom the Turks. After 25 years of struggle they 
;ot it. 

What I want you to observe is this: the Serb 
or 500 years had to fight continually for the little 
reedom that he had during those 500 years. His 
xeatest misfortune is the fact that he lives in the 
and of Europe which is around the cross; the cross 



20 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

formed by the Danube and Morava, running north 
and south, and again the Danube and the river 
Save, running east and west. That is the cross. 
That is where the Serbs Hved for a thousand! 
years. That is the cross they had to bear on their 
backs, because anybody who Hved there had toi 
bear the brunt of battle between the East and West. : 
Five hundred years ago it was the Turk who in- 
vaded the West, and he crossed into Serbia;; 
today it is the Teuton who wishes to invade the: 
East and go to Bagdad, and his road leads over: 
Serbia. For five hundred years it was the Turk: 
who was the archenemy of the Serb; today it isi 
the Teuton. 

I know a great deal about the Germans because: 
I lived in Germany as a student for three years., 
But I also know the Austrians, and I know the: 
Bulgarians, and I know the Hungarians, and K 
know the Turks. I know them even better thani 
I know the Germans. And I tell you, that bad! 
as the Germans are, the Hungarian and the: 
Bulgarian and the Austrian is still worse. And! 
these are the people that we Serbs had to live; 
with. We had to stand them for five hundred 1 
years. 

Nevertheless we preserved our national identity. , 
We preserved our language; we preserved our: 
literature. The Serb literature is one of the finest — 
I mean the popular literature — one of the finest: 
in the world. Nothing, according to Goethe 
himself, and according to other competent judges,,! 
can compare with the Serbian heroic ballads,, 
excepting Homer's IHad. And we composed 
those things during the darkest days of our history. 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 21 

Today the Bulgarians are trying to destroy that 
history — foolish people that they are — by collecting, 
packing up all books in Serbia, and burning them. 
Here is an announcement that appeared in a 
Bulgarian paper, according to the testimony of 
Doctor Alexis Francois, Professor of History at the 
University of Geneva — this appeared April 26, 
1916, in a Bulgarian paper in Sofia: **The Ministry 
of Commerce has just published a decree that all 
books found in the new provinces will, instead of 
being simply destroyed, be handed over to the 
Bulgarian National Printing Office in Sofia. They 
will then be used as raw material for the manu- 
facture of paper, and paid for at the rate of" 
3 cents — **a kilogram." That surely is not dear 
for the admirable literature of the Serbs. 

The Bulgarian never fought for his freedom, 
never. When I say never, I mean it. The Serbs 
fought all the time. The Bulgarians were reduced 
to the condition of cattle; they were servants of 
the Turks. We Serbs were never servants of the 
Turks. We were subject to them, yes. We 
suffered from their persecutions, yes. But we 
always remained proud, self-respecting, which the 
Bulgarians did not. And if it hadn't been for 
Russia in 1877 the Bulgarians would never have 
become free. And yet today they are the masters 
of Serbia, they and the Hungarians. One occupies 
the eastern part, and the other occupies the western 
part of Serbia. 

Now, the rights of the Serbs in Serbia are those 
defined by the history of a people like that. They 
fought for their freedom. They got it by the sac- 
rifice of life and everything that is sacred and 



22 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

dear. Their plight today is that they have losi 
everything. The churches have no more books 
they have no flags in their churches, the flags they 
love so much, because they are a people who arc 
very fond of ceremony and ceremonials. Theii 
priests have been deported, and their schoolmasten 
have been deported. Everybody who can wort 
has been taken away into Bulgaria and Asic 
Minor and Austria, and even Germany, and nobody 
is at home excepting women and children, middle^ 
aged women. Serbia has nothing today. She 
has lost everything excepting her honor ano 
spirit. The spirit of Serbia still lives, but people 
like that, who have suffered for five hundred yearr 
cannot be destroyed, because you cannot destroy 
the spirit; the body you can, but the spirit nevert 

The head of the Serbian War Mission which was 
here some time ago was invited to a dinner at the. 
Harvard Club, given in honor of Mr. Gerard, out 
former Ambassador to Berlin; or rather, he waa 
invited to come if he could and be present at the 
dinner, and he dropped in, because he had othei 
engagements. They asked him to make a few 
remarks, which he did; and after describing the 
plight of Serbia, which is certainly fearfully 
black, he said, *'My friends, the Serbs don't thinly 
of peace. The Serbs are certain that this war wili 
be won, because it is the spirit and not the brawn 
that will v/in the war.'' 

I am very glad to say that night before last ] 
heard Mr. Redfield, Secretary of Commerce, say 
in a speech, that this is a war of the spirit. II 
isn't a war for territory; it isn't a war for politica: 
advantages; this is a war of the spirit. It is the, 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 23 

spirit of one-half of the world, or three-quarters 
of the world, which has rebelled against Teutonism 
and militarism; and this is no war — this, my friends, 
is a revolution of the spirit. 



COMMENT BY THE EDITOR 

Serbia lay across the route to Pan-Germanism's realization of its Mittel- 
Europea ambition. The Berlin-Bagdad railway ran through its Nish. 
It was therefore the first territory to feel the thrust of the Pan-German 
steel (p. 18). 

Bulgaria s unconditional surrender is a bulv/ark against the helpfulness 
to Hohenzollernism of the Hamburg-Persian Gulf railway service. Even 
the walking is not to-day good for the German troops in that locality. 

Prof. Pupin's address is replete with evidence that the readjustments 
of boundaries that will make for justice to the Serbs must go north of 
Belgrade, and cannot be controlled from Bulgarian Sofia. 

INDEX 
Half the Serbs live in Austria-Hungary (p. 18). Serb emigratioji to 
America is almost entirely from the Serbs of Austria-Hungary (p. 18). 
The wrongs to Serbs, impelling this emigration, are of long standing (p. 19). 
The Bulgarians have been guilty of unnecessary embitterments of Serbian 
pride (p. 19). Destruction and deportation (p. 22). 



II 



THE PLIGHT AND THE RIGHTS 

OF POLAND 

COUNTESS LAURA DE G. TURCZYNOWICZ 

I SUPPOSE you all know a little bit about me, 
and I suppose many of you have read my 
book. I will only tell you that I was an Ameri- 
can girl who went abroad to study music, and 
instead of singing and studying, as I proposed 
doing, I fell in love and married — quite a natural 
thing — and I have never been sorry, even in spite 
of the war. I married into one of those old Polish 
families, an old noble family that has meant much 
in history all the years through, and I fell into a 
different sort of life altogether. If the people 
I married into had been happy I don't suppose 
I should have been transformed so quickly; 
you know I am an American by birth, but I think 
I am Polish by heart now, just because they are 
so very very unhappy. It seems that the Polish 
people can never reach a conclusion of their 
difficulties and go ahead. But we believe that 
the war is going to bring that about, that that is 
one of the issues of the war. It doesn't matter 
what happens, somehov/ or other the miracle 
will be perform.ed, and Poland will be free. 

I should feel very happ3^ to go away from here 
feeling that by coming to speak to you I had made 
friends of you all for Poland— real friends; Poland 
needs it so very very much. 

24 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 25 

When the war came to us in Poland, our life was 
very quiet, very happy — five miles from the bound- 
ary, just five miles from East Prussia. Then the 
war came like a clap of thunder. Our house was 
the first one to be turned into a hospital on the 
East front, and we organized a Polish Red Cross. 
This is its uniform, and it means so much to me. 
I lived seven months of captivity — of German cap- 
tivity—in this uniform.. Strangely enough, those 
first months, I didn't realize what the war meant 
until I had to leave my home on about fifteen 
minutes' notice, just walk out and leave everything. 
What would you think if you had to leave your 
home and walk out for the enemy to come in and 
occupy it? That night I spent in a cattle car with 
my three little children. My little daughter was 
only six years old, my twin boys were five. There 
were a lot of the townspeople, and thirty-two 
wounded soldiers, all packed in a cattle car. 
During the night a man died. In the morning 
I had to tell my children to please be quiet, that 
the Cossack was asleep — just a blond boy, perhaps 
eighteen years old. Pie made such an impression 
on me. With various experiences we went on 
through Wilna, to and beyond Warsaw, because it 
was bombarded by the Germans too. A few^ 
weeks went by, and then suddenly we heard that 
the Prussians had been driven out and that our 
house was free. My husband went to see what was 
there. When he came back he brought us somie 
clothes, but he wouldn't tell me what our home 
looked like; he told me I had to see it myself. 

At that time he was made chief engineer of 
Galicia. I couldn't go with him, because small 



26 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 



children are not allowed in occupied territor>;' 
And I made my pilgrimage to our old home alone 
I only want to tell you that the first feeling I was 
conscious of when we stepped over the threshol(| 
was an intense desire to get my head out of th: 
window. The least that had happened to oul 
dear old home was the fact that they brough: 
the horses in. But I want to tell you also, an^ii 
I believe I can give expert testimony, that pet 
sonally I infinitely prefer a good, clean, hones; 
horse, to a German oflQcer in my house. If th 
impossible thing is happening here today, am 
among you somewhere, in some way or other, should 
be concealed a pacifist, I wish he could hav. 
walked through my home. If he had seen th1 
odious, degenerate filth there, if he could havi 
looked at our library knee-deep in filth; book| 
torn, papers, tapestries cut to pieces, old manu 
scripts destroyed. We had quite a museun 
there. There were things that we intendec 
giving to the Polish Museum which was then t( 
be opened in the old Royal Palace, all wantonli 
destroyed. 

My old butler came and told me to go to thi 
pantries, that it was much worse there. I didn' 
think it was possible. I walked through ou 
dining room, where every bit of furniture wa 
destroyed — the only thing left a clock on the wall 
I suppose some German officer had fancied tha 
clock, and he was going to take it with him, an< 
then he had to leave in a hurry. So we have ou 
clock. When I went to the pantries I saw tha 
what my old butler, Jacob, had told me, wa 
right. In Poland the housewives are very prout 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 27 

y of their great collections of sweets. The Polish 
people eat sweets when they drink tea. There 
were hundreds of jars of all sorts of jams and 
preserves, comfiture and honey. Do you know 

^f those Germans had eaten the sweets and had 
filled the jars with filth unspeakable — and put 
them, back on the shelves. 

Similar was the case in all the churches. They 
were odious beyond description. And every place 
where those Polish people had one of their little 

] altars, or their pictures, with the lights burning 
before them — a thing that means so much to them— 
that was the place the Huns selected to desecrate. 
At that time I got my first piece of civilian 
work to do. Our old priest came to me and asked 
me to go out into the field and pick up the children. 
I didn't understand what he meant at first. Then 
he told me that when the Prussians went off they 
took all the able-bodied men and women and the 
older children, but they left the little children 
without their mothers, without a roof to cover 
them or a bite to eat. I went out with the Red 
Cross automobile, which we had soon to leave, 
into that freshly made battlefield that surrounded 
our town. The dead were yet unburied. The little 
homies and huts were burned down, and there we 
found little children who had been left behind. 
I shall never forget the looks of the little child 
I picked up first, a little girl perhaps four years 
old, who was carrying her baby sister. If you 
could have seen their little clay-colored faces, 
smeared with earth, where they had eaten earth 
in their extremity of hunger; if you could have 
seen their little swollen abdomens, literally starving 



28 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

to death, the same thing v/ould have happened to 
you that did to me. I have never felt the same 
towards Hfe since. I went back and found my^ 
own children well and happy. It seemed a strange? 
arrangement that they should be so happy and] 
those children so miserable. 

Time went on, and I lived on one way or another 
until the first of February, 1915, v/hen we were 
told by the Russian Government to go back toi 
our home and open a hospital, that the Govern-! 
ment was in residence, that we were perfectly) 
safe; that even the scliools were open. We went! 
there, and arrived in our town the fourth ofl 
February, 1915, and for four days I think I shouldi 
have been happy — I had my husband and children-! 
together, and we were under our own roof, though', 
the home had been so desecrated — I should have 
been happy if my boy had not fallen ill; but one 
of my little five year old twins got the typhus,, 
and we were so afraid that it would develop into: 
the worst sort. And then after four days came the; 
news that we had to evacuate again, that the Ger- 
mans were coming, that they were hard upon us. 
I had to face the decision whether I should take 
my boy out into the winter's storm, or let him 
die in his bed in peace, if he had to die. So 
I made the decision that any mother would. II 
stopped, and persuaded my husband to go. The 
last I ever saw of him was that night of the ninth 
of February, when he walked off over the frozen 
snow, and I have only the sound of his footsteps 
to remember. That is one of the things that 
happened so often in the war, I want you to under- 
stand that. If you think I have suffered, those 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 29 

people about me suffered infinitely more. I was 
alwa3^s protected in some way. When I was left 
alone there was som.ething else to do besides 
thinking of myself. I had to get food, I had to 
take care of my other little boy, the other little 
fellow was falling ill, and then our home was 
occupied by the Germans, and one of my own 
sei-vants turned out to be one of their accredited 
German spies. She met them at our door with 
bundles of papers in her hands, an old woman 
who was just employed in carrying out the soiled 
water. We paid no more attention to her possible 
spy- work than if she had been a fly in the room. 

The second day of the Germans' presence there, the 
great Battle of Augustowo began, when the Prussians 
surrounded 40,000 Russians in the woods— 
those same men who had invaded East Prussia — 
and they drove them into our town to make an 
example of them, to teach the world what would 
happen to anyone who dared lay a finger upon 
Prussia. We saw those men driven and clubbed 
along the streets. If one fell down he was beaten 
or clubbed with a gun, until he lay still for always, 
or managed to get up and stumble on. Starving 
men! We saw the guns brought in with the 
prisoners hitched to them, the horses driven along- 
side, and then we saw them shut in the churches. 

I will only tell you about the church that was 
within my own direct range of vision. I saw 
enough never to tell a thing by hearsay. I saw 
how they beat and clubbed men into that church 
until you would think the walls would crack with 
the weight of humanity. Then they shut the doors 
and put a guard around it, and without a drop of 



30 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

water or a crumb of bread, those men were there 
from that Thursday afternoon until the second 
Wednesday. You can imagine what was there 
when the doors were opened, how the dead were 
brought out Hke cordwood sticks, loaded on 
wagons and taken beyond the town and buried. 

Another set of prisoners were put to work clean- 
ing out the shambles, and Sunday morning the !( 
Kulturtrager praised God where those men had 
suffered their martyrdom! L 

While those men were dying by inches I had 
their great general under my roof. For some L 
reason or other, people are always interested in ;i; 
him. I can only tell you that you know rather y 
well what he looks like, you have all seen his ta 
pictures, and he looks just like his pictures, only 
more so, because there you cannot get his color. 
He looks very apopletic. I think it is because he 
drinks so much. They all do that, however. 
He has small light blue eyes, and stiff, upstanding 
grey hair. He is a tall man, about six feet two, 
and the cruellest creature that ever drew breath. 
While he was under my roof I asked him to get 
back two Polish girls, but he refused me — girls 
that the soldiers had taken. He said they belonged 
to the soldiers. He ordered me to make his 
coffee. He wouldn't have it made in the kitchen. 
I suppose he had reason to fear what someone 
might do to him, I had to make it at the table 
from a samovar, brew it with him looking at me. 
I suppose that some of you wish to ask the same 
question I am often asked, why I didn't poison him. 
You know there is just one good answer to that, 
that I mean from my soul. 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 31 

I am not a German. 

That man stopped under my roof five days 

e first time. Then I got another lot of officers. 

nong them was one kind enough to send me a 

>ctor who said that my child had typhus and 

e military couldn't be stationed there. Then 

lived through having another German doctor 

10, when he was asked to operate upon my 

>y's finger, instead of operating like a mian, 

ough he had ether there to his hand, snipped 

at little finger off at the first joint, as if it had 

;en a bit of old cloth. I have lived through 

at, so when people ask me if I have ever seen 

lildren with their hands cut off I say no, I never 

ive. It is true I never have, but I lived through 

iving a doctor take my boy's finger off without 

icessity, and I have seen infinitely worse. I 

ive seen my own little maid, a child not seventeen 

^ars old, taken from, m.y own house by that same 

3ctor. I have seen her father's face bleeding, 

id with his teeth knocked out because he tried 

) protect her, and I saw that girl after four days 

hen I finally found her. I cannot tell you any- 

ling about it. Anything on earth you would 

lagine couldn't reach the truth. I wished to take 

3r back to take care of her. They would not let 

le. They said she belonged to the soldiers. 

never saw her again. I never saw her father 

lain. He was sent to dig in the trenches because 

e criticized the military. 

We lived through that, day in and day out, and 
et there is such a wonderful quality in human 
ature that we did get through. Human beings 



32 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 



are wonderful when 3^ou have seen them reall] 
suffer. 

I helped with the prisoners. The German; 
didn't allow the ill prisoners to go to the hospital^ "; 
and they delegated me to take care of them 
Every morning I used to have a melancholy 
procession of men come to m.e. The thing that 
ailed them mostly was hunger. They were or; 
the hunger roll, those awful boils, those hideousi ^ 
green things that come from hunger in one of its; 
stages. Then after that they begin to grow blind 
and you know death is near, and you are glad. 

Miraculously enough, I did get away from it alii 
I came out through the country of the Kultur 
trager, and reached Holland, and in Holland for 
for the first time in seven months I was able to^' 
shut my door, lock it, and know no one daredi 
come in. Can you imagine what it means to ai[' 
woman to never have the surety that she can be'^' 
alone? There was one six weeks I wasn't un-J 
dressed. I v/as afraid to. I shall never forget t 
when my little children saw that first breakfast:' 
table in Holland. They almost went mad withi 
delight. My little girl, when she saw that bread' 
and butter and honey, said, "Mommie, may wei 
eat it all or is it for tomorrow?" It was such aii 
happiness to say, ''Darling, you may eat just as 
much as you want to, there is more for tomorrow." 
And so I got my children here finally and we heard 
our best beloved was over there. You want to 
know where he is now? I don't know myself. 
But I have faith. That is one of the things that 
I have learned through the war, and there is such 
a wonderful spiritual experience that does come to 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 33 

3 if we have any faith. I mean when you are a 
risoner. I remember when those people came 
ito our town I felt as if I had nothing, nothing 
ly where. It doesn't matter who you are, not if 
3U had a pile of gold that reached to the sky, 
Dthing matters, nothing unless you can turn to 
od. If you cannot you will lose your mind, 
ow many people there hanged themselves! Oh, 
lat story of Poland, its misery, its suffering! 
want you all to help in every way you can. 
ou hear different things. It doesn't matter, 
et us all do what we can to help that country — the 
iffering one! If you hear of dissensions arising 
nong them, realize that it has been the policy 
three governments to make each Pole hate 
le other. That explains much to you; but among 
lem are golden-hearted people, and they deserve 
eedom— a free Poland, and the right to worship 
od in their way, and the right to the pursuit 
f happiness. 

NOTE BY THE EDITOR 

Russian Poland, which had a constitution of its own from 1815 to 1830, 
id a separate government until 1864, v/as deprived at the latter date cf 
5 administrative independence. By ukase of the Czar, dated Feb. 23, 
568, the government of Russian Poland was absolutely incorporated 
ith that of Russia, and the use of the Polish language in public places 
id for public purposes (railwavs, signboards, wills, etc.) was prohibited, 
tatesman's Year Book, 1915, p. 1271.) 

Prussia's partitions of Poland date from the time of Frederick "the 
reat," 1740-1786. There were 4,967,984 Poles in Austria in 1910 and 
722,967 Serbs. 

The defection of Russia from the ranks of the effective Allies opens a 
evidential opportunity for the reconstitution of a Poland freed alike 
om Prussian, Austrian, and Russian domination. 



Ill 

THE PLIGHT AND THE RIGHTS Oil 

ARMENIA 

HON. HENRY MORGENTHEAU, LL.D. 

Ex- Ambassador to Turkey 



I 



FEEL rather strange to be addressing men wht 
occupy the pulpits, and who do not need mi 
urging to loyalty, but I feel as I felt when ; 
used to preach to the girls at Constantinopll 
College. I always selected a text that would no 
offend either Christians, Mohammedans, or Jews 
and it was sometimes necessary for me to go bad' 
to geometry, telling them that the shortest distanc 
between two given points was a straight line, and 
delivering a lecture on that. 

But I am asked to speak here on *The Plight anc 
Rights of Armenia." I will take for my text a littL! 
story — a true story — of a young Armenian woman. 
When the Turks attacked one of the houses ii 
Caesarea, they murdered the father and mother o 
this girl in her presence, and the murderer took th 
girl by her hand and said to her, "You come wit! 
me and you can live. You can live with me.' 
The girl violently tore herself away. He follower 
her up to the second story and then on to the rooi 
There a struggle took place and he pierced he 
through her lungs with his sword. The girl wa 
left for dead. One of your missionaries, a medics 
missionary, came there late in the afternoon 

34 ' 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 35 

lund her, saw she was still alive, took her to his 
3spital, brought her back to life, and when the 
lild awoke and realized where she was, the first 
ling she said was "I did not deny my Lord, did F'? 
[y friends, that is Armenia. 
Armenia has been dragged about and stabbed, 
need not tell you the history of Armenia, I don't 
ant to weary you with all the details of these 
arful atrocities. I do not wish to harrow your 
iarts. But Armenia is the oldest Christian 
ition in existence. Armenia has lived there under 
le shadows of Mount Ararat; it has struggled on 
r generations and generations against its sur- 
lundings. It has battled successfully, and some- 
mes unsuccessfully, against all the older nations, 
it has survived. It survived because it was like 
domestic fruit; it was so wonderful in its pov/ers; 
s seed was so strong it could not be destroyed, 
he Turks when they came there treated them 
ost of the time most shabbily. They exploited 
lem and they used them, but one has to look at 
lis thing as though it were in your presence. The 
urks never could make up their minds to anni- 
late the Armenians. The Armenians could not 
tempt a revolution, because they had no arms, 
hey lived on year after year and decade after 
jcade, always hoping that some Christian nation 
Duld come to their rescue. ¥/hen about one hun- 
•ed years ago the American missionaries came out 
.ere they looked upon them as at last the people 
at were going to help them. They lived on 
•nstantly hoping and hoping-, never going back 
I their religion. They were the most intelligent 
t of people in Turkey. Then finally when this 



36 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

war broke out in 1914, the Armenians refused th( 
bait offered to them by the Turks. They refusec 
to accept the proposition that they should induce 
their fellow Armenians of Russia to join them anc 
rebel against Russia, help the Turks, and for sc 
doing be given an autonomous country. The] 
could not and did not trust the Turks. 

Then when in 1914 the war broke out and some o 
the Armenians were in the Russian army, they 
helped to defeat Enver in the Caucasus, and fron 
that time on they had the hatred— more bitte 
hatred then ever before — of the Turks. 

The Turkish Government at present is in thti, 
hands of a few men who absolutely usurped it 
They have set aside the poor Sultan, who was jl 
simple minded old man, who for thirty years wa' 
practically in prison, while Abdul Hamid ruled 
He has no gumption, no character, no determine 
tion. These men have taken control. They hav 
nothing at stake. They haven't a crown or a thron 
to defend. They have taken possession of th 
Turkish Government and they have made up thei : 
minds that the only other people that could pii^i 
them out of their present position were the Armeij 
ians, because some of the Armenians helped thei i 
in their revolution — were their intimate friends 1 
They then, in a quiet council, where a few of thei i 
were present, determined, in April, 1915, to abac 1 
lutely eliminate the Armenians. \ 

Now, my friends, they would not have dared t t 
do so if they had not previously done it on a smalle i 
scale with the Greeks, and nobody blamed them f( i 
it; nobody punished them for it. They wouldn t 
have dared to do so if they had not repeatedl li 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 37 

one it at ten or twelve different periods. From 
[822 to 1915 there were seventeen massacres, 
Otalling 1,233,000. The Christian nations forgot 
'heir poor brothers, the Armenians; they condoned 
hese offenses. The Turks felt that Christian na- 
fions were at war with them. They felt that the 
)thers that were not at war were their allies and 
vere under great obligations to them. The Turks 
eel that they have rendered much greater service 
10 the Germans than the Germans have to them; 
:hey felt that they were justified in doing at last 
vhat they pleased. The Stipulations have been 
abrogated. We have no Powers. The only one 
:hat could protest and could interfere from a 
iiumanitarian point of view was the American 
/Embassador. The others would not interfere. 
Here these men felt at last free to do what they 
liked, and instead of their using properly the liberty 
they had, it was transferred into license, and the 
blood lust was aroused in them. It is just as men 
become addicted to drink, or to any other vile 
habit, these men once tasting blood were deter- 
mined to annihilate the Armenian race. 

Now, my friends, the rights of Armenia are the 
rights of every suppressed nation, every one of our 
brethren whether he be Christian, Jew, Moham- 
medan, or anything else. They have a right to live; 
they have a right to feel that they can retain 
whatever they earn; they have a right to their 
traditions; they have a right to their soul develop- 
ment. And we here in this country must wake 
up. I was awfully pleased — I always am pleased — 
to listen to Doctor Boynton, but I think the way 
he has tried to stir us up is the right idea. We 



38 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

absolutely have to dynamite ourselves out of this 
complacency that we are in. 

I am willing to be a witness as to what the Turks ; 
have done, not so much for the sake of punishing 
or scolding the Turks, but to show the connection 
between the Turks and the Germans. The Turks 
are acting and have acted on a small scale exactly 
as the Germans are acting and intend to act on 
much larger scale. I was there and I saw m] 
English colleague, my French colleague, mi 
Russian colleague and Italian colleague, they die 
not fraternize with the Turkish officials, but 
Baron Vondenheim took them to his bosom, be- 
cause they thought alike, they felt alike and they/ 
were of the same ilk. And they have penetrated! 
through Turkey. The Germans could have stopped) 
the Armenian atrocities. I have stated it before,, 
and I have the evidence for it. 

But now the bigger question at stake is not the: 
Armenian m.atter alone, but this country, which] 
contains all the protestors from other countries: 
and which has given a home to all those thatt 
were not happy where they lived, which has: 
demonstrated that we can intergraft and get 
together and create a new race — a new nation; we 
have been providentially created for the purpose 
of fighting the battles for civilization. 

The Germans have deliberately smashed the 
Mosaic laws; they haven't obeyed a single one of 
the Ten Commandments. If you just think — one 
by one they have disobeyed them, they haven't 
lived up to the Christian law; they haven't lived 
up to international law; they haven't lived up to 
what is justice and equality and right; and we 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 39 

ion't seem to realize that all that which together 
nakes up modem civilization is at stake. And we 
are the ones — this country — that will have to de- 
end it and preserve it. 

Our friends across the sea are doing their utmost, 
rhey are going to hold the lines. They are going 
:o wait until we are ready. And my friends, there 
s nothing worse — I don't call it traitorous, I don't 
propose to give it any adjective — but there is 
nothing worse at present than dissatisfaction or im- 
patience with the physical preparations that this 
:ountry is making. If any of you gentlemen were 
about ready to build a new church, your wish, your 
desire, the great need of that church, is not going to 
create it. You will have to go to work and elect your 
committees, you will have to select your architects; 
you will have to make your plans; you have to dig 
your foundations; you have to get your stone; 
you have to, above all other things, get the fimds 
to build it with, and it will take you months and 
years. Now the President of the United States has 
got to coordinate all such things and he has to 
supply eyes; he has got to have an aeroplane 
brigade; he has to have submarines; he has to 
have ammunition, clothes and food for a couple of 
million people. This cannot be done in six months 
or a year, and it cannot be just wished for. We all 
have to do it. We all have to work together, and it 
is shameful to try and mislead anybody that the 
mere wish or the need of this tremendous machine, 
this wonderful organization that is required, can 
be organized or created overnight or in six months 
or a year. When it is finished, when it is ready, then 
with the assistance, co-operation, side by side with 



40 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

the wonderful English and French Armies, we will 
be a full match; we will be a complete match fori 
the Germans. 

There is one thing can be done now, and that is 
to mobilize, organize the moral forces of America. 
I believe that you men, conscious as you are of whati 
your task is, are not aware of the power that youi 
possess. This is going to be a mord fight; it is: 
going to test which force is greater in this world, 
the force of right or the mere force of might. And! 
there isn't anybody in this room has any doubtt 
about it. But that doesn't make it. You have to) 
reach into your congregations, you have to reach i 
into every nook and corner, you have to tell themi 
what this great struggle is for. They do noti 
realize. 

I have just come back from the West. They doi 
not realize, away as they are from the scenes off; 
battle and activity — no one can be expected to 
fully realize what we are up against unless he has | 
been to the front and has seen it. It is your 
present duty, it is your great task, to educate the 
people and show them that you are not fighting 
for some trifling matter, for the possession of a| 
little land. And it is our duty to so create this 
force — a titanic force — that we will stand behind 1 
our Administration; that we in turn can draw to us i 
all the democratic forces in every country in the ' 
world, including Germany. And then we will! 
have no doubt which is the stronger; right willl 
prevail. 

NOTE BY THE EDITOR 

"From Alsace to Ararat," and to its people "not now a people," run 

the lines of deliverance, from force, fraud and fear, v/hich the Allies' arms 

are drawing on the map of the future of mankind. A free Church, in a 

freed Armenia, has measureless possibilities for the future of Christianity. 



GREAT BRITAIN'S PART IN THE WAR 

AN ADDRESS BY 

SIR GEORGE ADAM SMITH 

Principal of Aberdeen University, Scotland. 

YOU give me a colossal text today, no less than 
the part which my country has played for now 
nearly four years in the present terrible war. 
shall be able in the time at my disposal, and be- 
;ause I have another meeting in view in half an 
lour, to present to you only some threads of that 
/ast web, touching so many fronts of the war 
across the world, which my nation has been 
privileged to weave during these years of agony 
and of duty. 

I am not going just now to tell you why we are 
in this war. You who have followed us into it 
do not need to be told that. The call came to 
us in the good providence of God in the most 
:lear and signal fashion. As I said two days ago 
at Union, the words of the Twenty-seventh Psalm 
through those first days leaped into every man's 
mind: 'The Lord hath led us in a plain path 
with regard to our enemies." The call was clear 
and it was signal. And the conscience, not only 
of the people of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, but of our many free common- 
wealths beyond the seas, rose to it like the con- 
science of one man. We have had, as I have 

41 



42 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

said, now nearly four years of war — of war, the! 
greatest test that can He upon any people — war, 
the disillusioner. And yet I want to say here andj 
now and once for all that that original conscience 
of ours has never wavered. It is as strong, if nod 
stronger today, and those four years of war have: 
only served to strengthen and to articulate the^| 
faith, the sense of duty, and the resolution withj 
which we answered God's call to us in this matter. 
In that conscience we have waited for you, and wd 
are waiting, and we shall hold the line, thoughi 
the last man of us is washed in blood, until youi 
come along. 

Now, to my proper text this afternoon, which,] 
as I say, is a very large one. I want, first of all,; 
to point out to you what I regard and what II 
think will be regarded by posterity as the mosttj 
wonderful modern fact in the history of modern^ 
Europe, and it is this: We entered this war withi 
an ordinary standing army that did not numberij 
more than a few hundreds of thousands. Ini 
less than two years, without conscription or com-j 
pulsion, we had raised an army of five millions.. 
I was sorry that we ever had to take up conscrip- 
tion. I had hoped to see the whole manhood off 
my nation swept freely into the ranks of our King*s^ 
forces in this great cause. But it was not to be,, 
and I want to add to what I have said about the' 
raising of that magnificent volunteer army, the 
largest ever raised in history, that the spirit 
which has distinguished their successors who have 
come in under conscription has been not less gallant, 
not less willing, and not less resolute than that oft 
the volunteers themselves. 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 43 

It is sometimes said by pacifists on our side of 
the water— and I saw an echo of this from the 
mouth of one of your pacifists in a morning news- 
paper the other day since I landed— that this war 
and all the recruiting which it has compelled us to, 
is an old man's conspiracy, the effort of my own 
generation to push forward with safety to them- 
selves and in the utmost selfishness the youth 
of their nation to bear the agony and the brunt. 
That is false, and I know it is equally for you a 
damnable falsehood. There was not one of our 
young men, whether he went to war under our 
voluntary system for the first two years, or later 
under conscription, but went of his own free will, 
deliberately, not ignorant of the awful possibilities 
that lay before him for himself, but conscious also 
of the moral issues that were at stake, and resolved 
at whatever sacrifice to do his bit to carry them 
into victory. Every war is a young man's war, 
but this war has been the war, not only of the 
strength of our youth, but of the conscience, of 
the moral resolution, and of the believing faith 
of the whole youth of our nation. 

I wish I could give you some sections just to 
let you see what we have done in raising our 
armies. I will give you just one or two to show 
you how our population has been stirred. The 
nearest part of the United Kingdom to America 
is, I think, the Island of Lewis, in the northern 
Hebrides. The population of that island is 30,000 
all told, men, women and children. How many 
men do you think passed into the ranks of His 
Majesty's forces, either in the navy, or the army, 
before the first year of the war, from that island 



44 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

alone, out of a population of 30,000? 6, 
men! 

I was asking the Colonel of the Gordon High- 
landers, how many men they had sent from firs" 
to last to the two regular battalions of that regiment 
You know a battalion with us is about 1,000 men 
And he told me that from first to last they had sent 
to the front from the depot in Aberdeen between 
14,000 and 15,000 men to that one regiment 
alone. 

Two years ago when I was out in the front upon 
the Somme Valley, there between Neuville and 
Givenchy, we were stopped in the tremendous 
crush on the road of lorries and columns of men 
marching to and fro — ^we were stopped in our motor 
car, and I got out on a great, muddy field sloping 
up under the cold, sunny sky, to speak to the 
fragments of a regiment from Manchester gathered 
there, one of the New Aimy raised by Kitchener. 
And I found them at the roll call, I think the most 
pathetic sight I have ever seen in my life. That 
regiment had gone in between eight and nine 
hundred strong to the trenches two days before 
and they were mustered there on their return 
from the trenches, their first resting place — I 
can't call it a camp, because it was a field of mud — 
they were mustered to the tune of 256. After they 
broke up I spoke to four of them who were gathered 
together, and I said to one, "What were you before :; 
the war?" He said, *'I was a ticket collector, 
Sir, in the Manchester station." **And what were 
you?" *1 was a bus conductor." "And what 
were you?" "I was a lawyer's clerk." And I 
forget what the fourth said he was — four ordinary 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 45 

ivilians that had never expected to handle a gun 
in their Uves, and yet they were out there doing 
their bit, as cheery and as resolute after those 
horrible days in the trenches as if they had just 
won a great victory. That was the spirit that in- 
spired our volunteer armies from first to last. 
One could multiply scenes like that. 

Now, what has this great army of ours, great 
in number, been doing? Well, it began with help- 
ing the French to stop the first German invasion. 
It was their thin line on the Marne and on the Aisne 
and around Ypres, that kept those hordes of brutal 
battalions from the Channel and from the French 
coasts; and we know now ultimately from the 
shores of our country, against enormous odds, and 
often sacrificing themselves to the last man. 
They, the original army, were holding that line 
until our reserves came up; and always with the 
hope and the assurance that the American Army 
in the course of time would be behind them also. 

Do you know^ that the British line in France 
has stretched ultimately to the length of one 
hundred miles; that we have held for months 
one hundred miles of battle front against an army 
not immeasurably but certainly measurably su- 
perior to our own in numbers; and that we have 
not only held that line for two or three years, but 
that upon more than one occasion we advanced 
many miles over the front that lay between us and 
the Germans and drove them victoriously back? 

Another part of the British Army, as you know, 
has helped to stay the disastrous Italian retreat, 
and are holding the Austrians and Germans at 
bay at this moment on the Piave. 



46 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

We have another large army defending at 
Salonica, the whole of Greece, and the Eastern 
Mediterranean, from the Bulgarians, the Turks, 
and the Austrians combined. We have another 
army, thank God, advancing slowly, but with 
unfailing victory, through Palestine, having taken 
Jerusalem; and whatever the ultimate fortunes || 
of that campaign may be, they have established 
themselves in an impregnable position upon the 
hills of Judea. 

We have another army garrisoning Egypt and 
repelling the invasion of the savage tribes which 
threatened its recently revived civilization. We 
have another smaller force at Aden holding back 
the nomad Arabs from commanding our water- 
way to India, down the Red Sea. We have 
another host organized in India advancing up the 
Persian Gulf, marching to Kut-el-Amara to within 
sight of Bagdad, repulsed there, and retiring, , 
and then reinforced advancing to Bagdad itself; i 
and it now holds the whole of the most fertile 
land of the world that has so long been devastated i 
and rendered useless by Turkish neglect and ] 
oppression. 

We have another army garrisoned in India and 
quelling rebellions upon the northwest frontier, 
rebellions which I know from my brother, who 
has a command there, were fomented by German J 
gold and munitioned by German cartridges. | 

We have had several other armies, as you know, 
in Africa, until to this day Germany has lost to 
their arms every one of the vast colonies which 
she used to possess in that continent. And what 
are the armies we have been fighting with ther^ 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 47 

hiefly? They were our foes eighteen years ago 
n the Boer War. But we came to terms with 
hem, bringing them into our commonwealth; 
ve gave them the same freedom which other parts 
)f that commonwealth have always enjoyed. 
Vnd what was the result? We have had no more 
ible generals on our side, or more successful, than 
he two former leaders of our enemies, the Boers, 
jenerals Smuts and Botha. And our General 
jmuts, our former foe of only eighteen years ago, 

a member of the high circle of our Govern- 
nent, the small and select War Cabinet, and there 

none of our counsellors or statemen, whom all 
)f us, whether Irish or Scotch or English, trust 
nore today than General Smuts. 

Now, I must hasten on. That vast army, of 
:ourse, had to be fed, had to be munitioned, and 
lad to be doctored. And I will say this, that 
peaking only of the Western fronts, which are 
he only ones which I have any personal ac- 
luantance with, there are no soldiers of the many 
nillions on those fronts that have ever wanted from 
irst to last in this great campaign a full meal when 
hey needed it. They have had, Sir, the primest 
)f our beef, the best of our bacon, the finest of our 
vheat, kitchens on wheels — traveling kitchens 
)n wheels— follow every regiment, and right up 
here at the front I have seen in France the hottest 
neals served out to our men fresh from the trenches, 
low have we done that? Simply by rationing 
)urselves at home. Well, Sir, I have been asked 
o mention in detail by some friends to whom I 
nentioned it that I took up the other day to a rela- 
ive in London in high position a six-pound roast 



48 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

of beef from Aberdeen, where, by the way, the best 
roast beef of Old England grows. I took up a 
six-pound roast of beef to that relative in Londoner 
and that was in the first week of March, and it wa| 
the first beef that had crossed their thresholcj' 
or butchered meat of any kind since the end of 
December. In Aberdeen, all our butcher supplies' 
have been cut down to us ordinary families, b^; 
exactly one-half. We have been living on half o] ■ 
what we lived on before. Why? Partly to feed:' 
London that was in greater want than ourselves, 
and partly because we didn't want our soldiers^ 
fighting at the front to have one ounce of meatj 
less than they had been accustomed to have before, 

Take our munitions. We have so amply supplied ■ 
our forces with munitions during all these years i 
of war, although we were behind time at first, that f 
the Government was actually able to dismiss be) 
tween thirty and forty thousand munition workers^ 
the week before I left because our supplies were J 
so well up at the time. Why, I don't recognize | 
in these days as I travel up and down England j 
and Scotland parts of my own country; hugdf 
cities of factories and dwelling places for men and^ 
women workers have risen up here and there, just 
for the bringing out of the munitions. Oh, they are ( 
all right as far as munitions are concerned. Wc 
will get along spendidly till you come up by oui 
side. 

And then the doctoring. There is the mosti 
wonderful medical service at work. The whole 
medical profession of our country has been mobil- 
ized, and as if in sympathy with the need of the 
country the ill health of our civilian population 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 49 

j 

s gone down by jumps. There has not been 
ariy the amount of complaint, of trouble of any 
id, and it is a very remarkable fact, insanity 
elf has diminished, so that the doctors — I 
ti't know whether their absence has been partly 
i cause — but in any case our doctors have been 
)bilized almost to the last man for the sake of 
r soldiers. And it is wonderful what care our 
diers get from them. You know the sanitary 
e of their business has been so well organized 
It the suffering from disease in all our Western 
mies is a comparatively negligible am.ount. 
lere armies used to be ravished by typhoid, 
cholera, and by other epidemics, there haven't 
m any more than isolated cases of these several 
eases in our vast army in the West. I will give 
1 one incident that came home to my heart 
ich illustrates this. I was calling in the early 
irs of the war upon the mother of one of our 
dents who had been among the first to fall, 
i I found the poor lady, a schoolmistress, a widow, 
:h only one other son, lying in bed and unable 
ido anything but moan out, "Oh, why was he 
:en? Why was it m.y boy was taken? Why 
3 he taken?" This went on for a time. I 
ildn't comfort her because my own boy had 
: fallen then, but I said some stumbling words 
her. And then all of a sudden this old body 
ned around in her bed, she had been lying with 
back to me all the time, but she looked at me 
h the pleasure of pride in her eyes and said. 
Lit, Sir, he had four specialists with him before 
died." And I found out that that common 
irate in one of our infantry regiments in France, 



50 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR , 

) 

having lain after being shot in the head for a mont 
with bad wounds before he died, had been visite 
during that month by four of the most eminen 
surgeons in Great Britain. That is an ijlustratio 
of what we are doing for our men. 

Now, just to illustrate this point. How are w 
managing it all? Well, we are simply empty in 
our pockets and yielding up either as gifts or 2 
loans to the Government our savings. The wg 
costs seven millions a day, seven millions of poundi: 
to the British Government at present. That i 
$35,000,000 the war is costing us day by daj 
How are we raising it? Well, in many way, 
I think we have got to the end of taxation, thl 
limit of taxation. But now we are scouring th! 
country all over, making appeals to the peopl: 
to come forward, as you are beginning to dd 
with their savings, and their profits, for inves: 
ments in war loans. We had a War Loan Wee; 
in my own town of Aberdeen the other day, ani 
five days the bank was opened, a great tani 
brought from the front, and do you know how muc 
this population of 160,000 raised in five day? 
Two and a half million pounds, $12,500,00(1 
London the other day raised seventy- four millioi 
in one week, $370,000,000. 

As I have said I have only given you a fe 
threads out of this great web that we have bee 
weaving, simply to stir your imagination and aboil 
all to assure your hearts that we, in Great Britai j 
and it is equally true of France, are doing our be 
by this great cause, not for any selfish reasa 
but because of the moral issues involved in i 
and that we will continue to spend and be spew 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 51 

;o sacrifice and be sacrificed, until under God's 
)lessing and with your good help we carry that 
pause to victory. 



COMMENT BY THE EDITOR 

The stenographic reports of Sir George's two addresses, owing to the 

Iness of his schedule while in America, were not revised by him, though 
ubmitted to him before his departure. Sir George felt, moreover, that 
hese, the first of the 123 addresses he delivered throughout the United 
tates, were not in as finished form as his later utterances. 

The editor feels, however, that the volume would be incomplete without 
;ir George's words, and with apologies to him whereinsoever they were 
iot reported ipsissima verba, unhesitatingly judges that they have withal. 
Is printed, such felicity of diction and such finality of discernment on the 
elations between religion, righteousness and war, that they must be pre- 
erved. 

The rigor and vigor with which Sir George disposes of the parlor and 
alaver pacifist in the second address (pp. 53-56) and the appositeness 
f his quotation from Harless on p. 57, were particularly enjoyed and 
pplauded by his Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church audience. 

Yet the greatest service he rendered New York and America was the 
onvincing proof he gave in his first address, and in the tender and lofty 
loquence of the conclusion of the second, that the aims of the war, on the 
iart of our Allies, were moral long before America entered it — yea, from 
jhe very beginning. 

It is one of the antinomies of the history of pulpit opinion in this country 
hat men who were preaching against preparedness as a national and 
[Christian duty as late as May, 1916, through their sympathy with the 
ion-resistant and non-assistant slackers in British circles, awakened only 
fter the war had become national in interest to America to support it 
s human, humane and a crusade of the Kingdom of God. 



II 

THE BATTLE FOR TRUE PEACE 

AN ADDRESS BY 

SIR GEORGE ADAM SMITH 

I WANT to thank you before going on with 
my speech tonight, first of all, for the hearti- 
ness with which you have sung the National 
Anthem of my own people. I want to assure you 
that never people had King and Queen more worthy 
of the name than we of Great Britain have today. 
They have both of them been great spiritual assets 
to us in this war, true leaders of our democracy, 
setting, as all leaders according to our Lord Jesus 
Christ should set, an example of service to the men 
and women of thdr land. 

Sir, first, it is with no light sense of responsibility 
that I have begun this work — my mission among 
you. I have come, Sir, upon the invitation of your 
own National Committee on the Moral Aims of the 
War, but with the sanction of the British Foreign 
Office, and, further, with a comm^ission from my 
own church, the United Free Church of Scotland. 

Sir, highly as I value these latter supports to my 
coming, I take m.y stand among you most grate- 
fully and most firmly of all upon the invitation 
which your National Committee has extended to 
me. My commission, as defined by them, and my 
own Foreign Office and the church, is twofold. 
First, to relate to you, as far as I can, the efforts 

52 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 53 

of Great Britain on many fields of the war. That 
I have done already today before a large audience 
of ministers. And, secondly, to let you know, if 
indeed you need to know, why we went into the 
war, why we continued in it, and to assure you that 
heart and soul we are one with you, the American 
people, upon those moral aims of the war which 
on our side of the water have been defined so well 
by Mr. Asquith and Mr. Lloyd George, and on 
yours have been stated with such exceeding lucidity 
and impressiveness by your own President. 

Sir, I was present when on Sunday morning you 
announced this meeting, and I rejoiced to hear you 
say that it was not to be a pacifist meeting, and that 
if it had been you wouldn't have been in the chair. 
Well, that is entirely my own position, and I 
subscribe to every word of the noble and discrim- 
inating address with which you opened our pro- 
ceedings tonight. Whether I represent myself or 
whether I represent my Church, that has thrice 
over by formal vote of our General Assembly 
affirmed our belief in the righteousness of the war 
and called upon our ministers and members to 
render every possible support to our Government in 
the prosecution thereof, or whether I represent my 
people who, except for a very small and negligible 
minority, such as I believe'you have among your- 
selves in America, have but one conscience and 
one aim in this war, and that is to carry it to a 
victory for the sake of an enduring and an honorable 
and a righteous peace. 

Fighting though we do, and though we have been 
for four years, I wish to say at the outset that we 
are and always have been for peace. Before the 



54 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

war broke out our Government exhausted every 
means within their power, as you well know, to 
avert war. That claim which has never been 
disproved by our enemies, has lately been confirmed 
in a most remarkable way by one of them. I 
allude to the memorandum of Prince Lichnowsky, 
the late Prussian Ambassador to London, who in 
this memorandum has declared that in his opinion 
Sir Edward Grey, our Foreign Minister, did every- , 
thing that was possible for a statesman to do to 
preserve the peace of Europe. And today what do 
we desire but peace still? What else can we desire? 
For nearly four years v/e have drunk alm.ost to 
the dregs of the cup of the agony of war. We have | 
walked through these years deeper and deeper into 
the valley of the shadow of death. There is 
hardly a home knov/n to me, and I speak not only 
of my own private acquaintances, but as the 
principal of a large university, whose mournful j 
duty has been either to visit or to correspond with j 
the family of every one of the 234 that we have ■ 
already upon our Roll of Honor — I say there is > 
hardly a home in my country known to me which 
has not lost one or two or three sons in the present 
war. Of a truth, I come to you from a land of 
mourning — ** Rachel mourning for her children, for, 
they are not." Death has come up to our windows, ; 
and has entered into our palaces, and day by day 
our hands have been wrung with all the agonies, 
the possible agonies, and horrors of war. My own 
city of Aberdeen is the furthest north in the King-, 
dom in which there is a large general hospital, or! 
series of general hospitals, containing something'^ 
over 2,000 beds — the furthest north of that kind! 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 55 

hospital to which our trains carry the wounded, 

in from the Channel port at which they have 

rived from France; and week by week, and often 

ly by day, we have had the arrival of one after 

lother of those trains carrying our wounded, our 

attered, and our blinded sons back to us from 

le foul poisonous gases and the deadly artillery 

our remorseless foes. Who should desire peace 

not we? Who should pray for it? And yet, and 

;t, and yet, what is peace, I ask you, and what 

the kind of peace we want? 

Of all the blessings promised to us by the Word 

f God, there is perhaps none, the name of which has 

een more open to ambiguity, or so often misre- 

resented, as peace, unless it indeed be its sister 

ord, its sister name of freedom. From the days 

f the Prophets onward to our own there have 

I ways been in this world numbers saying, "Peace! 

eace!" when ''there is no peace." Some have 

pplied the word to the lethargy of their own moral 

istincts. Others, as we know from history, have 

Dread desolation and have called that peace. And 

.1 our day we can see that the prevailing fallacy 

n which so much of the false pacifism of our time 

ests is just that curious confusion which so many 

ninds m.ake, and which they ought never to have 

nade, the confusion between merely political 

)eace and the peace which Christ Our Lord 

>romised to us and assured us from the Father. 

want to speak for a while upon this distinction. 

Our Lord, friends, never pledged us political 

)eace, nor is the prevalence of war during these 

lineteen centuries any proof that His promises 

lave ever been broken or that His Gospel has 



56 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

failed. On the contrary, Christ not only assumed 
and even expressly prophesied that wars vvrould 
come, but He foresaw that they must sometimes 
arise out of the very faithfulness of His followers 
to the truths He had taught them. * 'Suppose ye 
that I am come to send peace upon earth? I tell 
you nay, but rather division. I came not to send 
peace, but a sword." 

In His great verses on peace in the Gospel of 
John and the other Gospels, it is no outward peace, 
such as nations are caused to cultivate between 
themselves which He either foretells or enforces, 
but the inward peace of reconciliation to God, of 
faith in His Fatherly love, and of devotion to His 
will, which will is always righteousness before it 
is peace, that He assures to His disciples under 
every tribulation and through every war in which 
they may be called to serve Him. Brethren, the 
foundation which is laid in Jesus Christ, **and other 
foundation can no man lay," the foundation which 
is laid in Jesus Christ is not love only, but it is 
truth, and it is justice as well. And if on anything 
but on all these together we build peace, we are 
building upon sand. To put peace before justice, 
to put peace before the redemption of the slave, to 
put peace before the deliverance of the tortured 
and the defense of the purity of women and oi 
children, is to turn our Christianity upside down. 
I think our friends who are guilty of that forget 
those noble words of God to the prostrate Prophet 
lying before Him: **Son of Man, stand upon thy 
feet." On thy feet, not on thy head. 

You cannot say that Christ condemned all war 
between nations any more than that He denounced 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 57 

the forcible execution of justice within the nation 
itself. It is difficult for us to believe that He who 
bade His disciples to render to Caesar the things 
that are Caesar's by the payment of a just and 
necessary tax, would have restranied His people 
from serving the state with their lives in the defense 
of its freedom or at the call of righteousness. In 
such circumstances the things of Caesar and the 
things of God may become the same things, and 
in serving the one in such a war as this, we also 
serve the other. To quote Christ's example as of 
Him who did no violence, always seems to me to be 
beside the argument. To say to Christians, as we 
hear it sometimes said, that they ought not to be 
soldiers because it is impossible to conceive of their 
Master if on earth to-day as bearing arms, is just 
as true and just as irrelevant as to say that He 
would not have been a statesman or a judge or an 
active guardian of civil order— offices which never- 
theless no one doubts that Christians may accept, 
and which they ought not to refuse if God has 
granted them the strength and the talent for such 
vocations. Nay, more, it is true that a battle for 
justice for others and for the redemption of the 
oppressed may sometimes be the one obvious line 
along which they are called to obey both His Word 
and His example by taking up their cross. The 
final test of all struggle, of all contests, or of all 
war, is not outward but inward. Not outward 
force but inward malice is the unfailing mark of 
the natural order in its contests with the spiritual. 
But indeed the opinion that war is necessarily a 
crime on the part of the nations who engage in it, 
or of the individual soldier, is far too crude for us 



58 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

to dwell any longer upon it. The truth is, that 
in the New Testament, as in the Old, peace, the 
blessing, is promised only as the result and reward 
of other things. Peace, the duty, has never a 
primary, but has always a secondary place. 
Righteousness, as the Chairman nobly remarked, 
comes first: Righteousness, discipline, patience, 
purity and courage, the peaceable fruits of right- 
eousness. The wisdom that is from above is first 
pure and then peaceable. The work of righteous- 
ness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, 
quietness, and assurance forever. 

In harmony with these great voices from the 
sacred record, let me quote to you one or two 
opinions with regard to the duty of Christians 
towards a war for justice from some great fathers 
and leaders of the Church. And the first whom I 
quote, I quote with great pleasure in this Fifth 
Avenue Presbyterian Church, for he is no less than 
John Calvin himself. And here is what he says: 
* 'Since it m.akes no difference whether it is by a 
king or by the lowest of the people that a hostile 
or devastating inroad is made into a district over 
which they have no authority, all alike are to be 
regarded and to be punished as robbers." 

Your own Abraham Lincoln: "We accepted this 
war," he said, "for an object, for a worthy object; 
and the war will end when that object is attained, 
under God." 

And, Sir, your great predecessor in Birmingham, 
one of the greatest prophets raised in my country 
or in any Anglo-Saxon country during the last 
one himdred years, Doctor Dale of Birmingham,, 
speaking of a war which certainly seemed at the 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 59 

me far less righteous than that to which we have 
een called, used these words: **I believe in peace," 
e said, "in true peace, in peace at any price, in 
eace even at the price of war." 
Now, I am going to quote still another, both 
ecause he is a Germ.an and because his words, 
hrough they were written more than forty years 
go, are singularly appropriate to the position of 
ireat Britain and her Allies in the present crisis. 
The characteristic of a lawful war," says Harless in 
is "Christliche Ethik," **is that it is necessary in 
he interest of justice. If justification is to be found 

those international duties which flows from the 
pecial callings appointed by God to the several 
lations in their mutual relations," and mark these 
vords, **and the violation of which a regularly 
instituted association of nations has the right to 
ivenge, the Christian who recognizes his earthly 
calling as an individual member of a nation, 
leither can nor will draw back from the duty of 
ivenging breaches of international law. Nay, 
cnowing that in this respect he is not merely in the 
service of an earthly master, but even as a soldier 
le is serving his God, to whom he owes life and 
liberty, for the purpose of executing His justice. 
t is in the Christian soldier that we find the full 
jpirit of sincere self-surrender to the execution of 
God's justice and His righteousness on earth." 

We in Great Britain had in the opportunity, had 
in the swift occasion, the few hours that were given 
us to make our decision for war or for peace, and 
in all the long years of war since, we, I say, had a 
full opportunity of distinguishing between a peace 
that is false and a peace that is true. We narrowly 



60 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

escaped the one, and we found the other, found i1 
through war. I well remember the summer nigh1 
on which all who understood the issues at stake 
remained awake all night wondering what oui 
Government would decide, and the sigh, anc 
afterwards the roar, of relief that went up from on( 
end of the land to the other, when we, liberals anc 
Christians though we were, and democrats to the 
backbone, like yourselves, heard that the Govern- 
ment had seen the national duty in the way o: 
righteousness and in deciding upon war. W( 
might have had a peace, as the world calls it 
but it would have been a peace without righteous- 
ness, peace with a bad conscience, peace witl: 
shame as we knew ourselves unfaithful to oui 
obligations to weaker but gallant peoples who hac 
trusted us for the security of their national exis- 
tence; peace with remorse as \Ye saw them deprivec 
of their freedom, and our Allies who had taker 
the field without us, crushed by a ruthless and 
remorseless foe; and it would also have been peace 
with a restless, ceaseless, haunting fear at the hearl 
of it as we came to realize, as we assuredly shouk 
have done, that without Allies or friends we must 
have met in our turn the onset of the hatred and 
ambition of that foe, and that we had betrayed 
those national interests and free institutions with 
the charge of which Providence had entrusted us 
through so large a part of the world. 

On the other hand — and I want to bear this testi- 
mony to you before I sit down — what has God 
given us since we went to war, and we may say 
just because we went to war? A peace unpre- 
cedented at home and throughout our Empire, 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 61 

[e stilling of party strife and of factions, the 
conciliation of our former enemies, the Boers, 
[ South Africa, till they have taken the lead in all 
ir campaigns against German cruelty throughout 
le length and breadth of that continent; at 
5me the stilling of party strife and factions, a 
•eat decrease of class and race hatred, but deeper 
ill, the tranquility of heart and soul reserved for 
1 who have set their affections on things above, 
id who have resolved, come what may of danger, 
5ath or sacrifice, to do their duty by their God 
id their fellow men. Such a peace we have seen 

the homes which have quietly yielded their 
barest to the war, because they have given them 
^ God and the cause of righteousness; and such a 
2ace I have seen over and over again in the hearts 

our young men who have so magnificently faced 

ath for His sake and their country. And we 
^ve tested this peace where Christ said it was to 

tested, and found it through faith in tribulations. 
Id we have found it unfailing, in retreat as in 
Ivance, in defeat as in victory. I want to assure 
bu who are following us this day, to the same 
bids of struggle and sacrifice, that by finding 
bur duty and proving true to the cause of right- 
busness, which calls us to fight against spiritual 
ickedness in high places, you will, like us, find 
le peace of God. 



AMERICA'S PART IN THE WAR 

ADDRESS BY 

DEAN CHARLES R. BROWN, D.D., LL.D. 

YaU School of Religion 

THE Chairman has struck the keynote of this 
meeting with that insight which we have 
learned on this side of the water and on 
that to expect from him. We are a peace-loving 
people. Our Declaration of Independence was 
originally signed, very significantly, in Philadel- 
phia, the "City of Brotherly Love." Our first 
President, Washington, in his farewell address, 
prayed that this land might be kept from the 
scourge of war, and right royally has his prayer 
been answered. In the one hundred and forty odd 
years of our history as an independent nation only 
some ten or eleven years have been spent in foreign 
wars. 

Our first American, Abraham Lincoln, in his 
second inaugural, pleaded: "With malice toward 
none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, 
as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to 
finish the work we are in and to achieve among 
ourselves and with all nations a just and lasting 
peace." We are a peace-loving people, but we are 
not a people who believe in peace at any price. 
The price may be such that no self-respecting 
nation ought to pay it. 

We have seen fit in these days to draw the sword' 
62 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 63 

on the most powerful and the most relentless 
military organization the earth has ever seen. And 
we with our Allies are now in process of trying out 
the question whether or not the forces that can be 
arrayed by democracies are able to make good 
when they are lined up against the forces that can 
be assembled by military autocracy. 

This is no toy war, like our little war with Spain. 
It is the real thing, and if we and our AUies are to 
win, it will mean that all the forces in our nation 
pust put on khaki, the military and the industrial, 
ithe financial and the political, and no less the 
pioral. The conscience of the comitry must 
become militant. The moral sense of our nation 
must be arrayed against the gigantic system of 
barbarism which is now parading as the Imperial 
Government of Germany. 

I have no apology, therefore, to offer for saying 
what I am here to say to-night as a Christian 
piinister and in a place of worship. It is a clear 
cut, definite, moral issue; and because I am a 
fninister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ I count it my 
duty and my privilege to cast all the influence that 
f. may upon the side of righteousness. We did not 
want the war; it was thrust upon us. No more 
lid our Allies. There was only one nation on earth 
Bvhich really desired the war and was thoroughly 
prepared for the war, and in those fateful July 
lays of 1914 did everything in her power to bring 
pn the war. *The day" had dawned, the day 
to which she had been drinking her insolent toasts. 
The opportunity had come, as she believed, to put 
across her dream of worldwide dominion. It is 
useless, therefore, for us now to consider what 



64 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

might have been or to wish it might have been other- 
wise. We are where we are, and our work has 
been cut out for us by other hands than our own. 
We have been exceedingly patient here in this 
country with the conduct of that Government. 
We have been patient clear up to the border of 
what has seemed to some of our friends like a lazy 
cowardly acquiescence in lawlessness and crime. 
We realized a long time ago that we were dealing 
with a government which regarded its own treaties 
as mere scraps of paper, and had no sense of national 
honor in her diplomatic intercourse with those 
nations with whom she professed to be at peace. 
We saw the invasion of Belgium, which men in the 
University who know their history better than I 
know mine, are saying will go down as the greatest 
crime in the annals of the race. Here was a small 
nation surrounded by powerful nations. In order 
that the small nation might maintain her neutrality 
and not allow herself to be used by any one of those 
powers against another, they signed a treaty. It. 
was signed by Belgium and by Great Britain and 
by France and by Russia and by Germany. There 
were others. Let those suffice. When the hour 
struck to test the value of that treaty. Great 
Britain kept her word and France kept her word 
and Russia kept her word, and Belgium, almost 
at the cost of her life as a nation, kept her word. 
She stood in a place called * 'Calvary" and allowed 
herself to be nailed to a cross hand and foot rather 
than deny her obligations. And Germany broke 
her v/ord. No amount of intellectual shuffling 
v/ill ever change that fact. She did it openly,, 
wantonly, in the eyes of the world. 'The wrong: 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 65 

e are committing" her own prime minister, Von 
;ethman-Hollweg, said in the Reichstag, "we will 
ndeavor to make good when once our military 
3al shall have been reached." That military 
Dal has not been reached, and, please God, it never 
ill be reached. 

Right there the German Government made 
self an outlav/ among nations that keep their 
ord, and the moral sense of our own country rose 
I revolt. Then we saw the sinking of the Lusi- 
mia, the drowning of hundreds of helpless men, 
omen and children, without warning, and in fiat 
efiance of international law. We saw the judicial 
lurder of men like Capt. Fryatt and women like 
dith Cavell. We saw Zeppelins begin to do their 
astardly work of hurling dov/n bombs on unfor- 
fied towns and villages, killing men and women 
id children. Up to that time when decent nations 
ad gone to war, men fought with men, and only 
ith men. It has remained for that Government 
) introduce this new and barbarous form of making 
ar upon women and children. When I read the 
xount of the killing of more than a hundred 
iople on last Friday as they were worshipping on 
ood Friday in the house of God, by German shells 
red from seventy miles away, in fiat defiance of 
1 of the usages of modern warfare, when I read 
lat it seemed to me that there was nothing left 
3w to complete the story of anti-Christ. I do 
Dt want to say anything unkind about that mad 
lilitary caste in Potsdam. I find some moral 
ilief in emphasizing the last syllable of that word, 
do not want to say anything unkind, anything 
[igentlemanly, but when I read the record of that 



6 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

Government, it seems to me that if the evil one 
himself had been arranging the details he could 
have had something to learn from the present 
Government in Berlin. It has been a frightful 
offense to the moral sense of the race. 

We saw after that the helpless Armenians being 
butchered by the Moslems, as we know from 
letters written home by German missionaries, 
with the connivance of German officers. We saw 
hospital ships, loaded to the water's edge with 
wounded soldiers and their Red Cross nurses, 
flying the Red Cross flag, sent to the bottom by 
German submarines for the sake of "military 
advantage." We had our own rights as a neutral 
trampled upon under the arrogant assumption 
that the necessities of that Government knew no 
law. And at last to crown it all we detected the 
accredited representatives of that Government here 
with words of friendship on their false lips, plotting 
with Mexico and seeking to extend that plot into 
Japan, to break up the peace betv/een our own 
country and our neighbors. And the m.oral sense 
of this nation began to cry out, "How long, 
Lord, how long?" 

f War is a terrible thing. War is a terrible thing, 
no and nation will enter lightly into war. But 
there are things that are worse than war. The lazy, 
cowardly, acquiescence in lav^lessness and crime is 
worse; the loss of the capacity for moral indigna- 
tion is worse; the lack of readiness to sacrifice 
comfort, profits, life itself, if need be, for those 
great principles that alone make human life life, 
would be worse. And when the President of the 
United States stood up a year ago in the presence 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 67 

of Congress and in the presence of us all and 
interpreted to us our deeper mood, the whole 
country rose and stood with him. It said, "The 
words are well spoken. Now, we will go out and 
translate them into deeds that every race on earth 
will understand." And we therefore find ourselves 
in war. 

Now, in my judgment, Germany has done some- 
thing worse than to perpetrate the outrages she 
has on Belgium and Poland and Serbia, and that 
certainly is saying a very great deal. And that 
worse thing which she has done has been this: she 
has gone far towards the breaking down of faith 
between land and land, and that has been a more 
serious wrong to the world than even her physical 
outrages. There are only two ways for nations 
to live together: one is on the basis of inter- 
national good faith. We have tried that with our 
neighbor to the north. For more than a hundred 
years nothing but an imaginary line has divided 
us for 3,800 miles from territory belonging to the 
most powerful empire in the world. More than a 
hundred years ago we agreed with them that not 
a single frowning fort, either theirs or ours, should 
mar that boundary line, and that the peaceful 
waters of the Great Lakes should not be troubled 
by any warship of either country, and for more 
than a hundred years that understanding has 
been kept. 

The other way for nations to live together is on 
the basis that might makes right; on the/ basis of 
treachery and spies, and all that goes to break dov/n 
the faith between land and land. And national 
and international life upon that basis becomes 



68 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

impossible. The only way in which business life 
can be conducted is on the basis of confidence 
between man and man. The only basis for social 
life is for friend to trust friend and neighbor to 
trust neighbor. And the only basis upon which 
we can live together as nations is on the basis of 
international good faith. And Germany has gone 
far towards breaking down this sense of confidence 
between land and land. 

Now compare for a moment the motives of the 
two countries, the end she has in view and the 
motive of our own country, as I am to speak par- 
ticularly of the participation of the United States 
in the war. The German people have been fed for 
a long time on a false philosophy. They have 
believed in **the will to power," all moral consider- 
ations aside. They have held the idea that the 
only thing to be ashamed of is the inability to go and 
take what you want. The gospel which was 
preached to the German soldiers by the Kaiser 
when they were sent to China, was this: *'So bear 
yourselves that for a thousand years not a 
single Chinese will dare to look askance at a 
German." The idea has been urged that the more 
powerful nation has a right to impose itself upon 
the smaller countries and that they have no rights 
which are to be considered when Germany under- 
takes to *'hack her way through." That has been 
the aim of that Government. 

Now, consider for a moment, our own motives. 
We have not entered into this war with any selfish 
desire for conquest. As God knows our hearts 
we do not covet an acre of territory belonging to 
any other power on earth. We have not entered 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 69 

into it with any sordid desire for material gain. 
We were already becoming almost disgracefully 
rich in manufacturing munitions and furnishing 
supplies to the belligerent nations. If they could 
have fought it through without our help it would 
have been money to have stayed out. As it is, 
it will cost us, no one knows how many billions. 
We have not entered into this war in any spirit 
of touchiness because our national honor has been 
offended. Our national honor has been offended, 
but we would not plunge a whole land into war 
upon any such basis as that. We have not entered 
into this war with any desire to punish Germany, 
much as we believe her government needs punish- 
ment. We remember who it was who said ''Ven- 
geance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord." 
We are not seeking to take those issues of penalty 
out of His hands. There are no hymns of hate 
being composed or sung here on our side of the 
water. They would not fit the lips of our soldiers, 
as they did not fit the lips of the soldiers of England 
and France. 

"A song of hate is a song of hell, 

And some there be that sing it well. 
So let them sing it loud and long. 

We lift our hearts in a loftier song. 
We lift our hearts to Heaven above, 

Singing the glory of that we love." 
We have not entered into this war with any desire 
to impose our own ideas upon the German people 
as to the sort of government they should have. 
We are willing that they should have any kind 
of government they desire, as long as they keep 
it for home consumption. We believe in this 



70 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

country that | all governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed. "We 
confess to a frank preference for democracy, and 
we could wish for no happier fate than to live under 
the reign of the common people. In the year of 
our Lord 1815, Great Britain and her allies put 
the Island of St. Helena upon the map by banishing 
to that island the disturber of the peace of Europe. 
And if in the year of our Lord 1918, Great Britain 
and her Allies should put some other island on the 
map by banishing to that island the present — 
(very hearty applause) — I see it is altogether 
unnecessary to finish the sentence. You have 
finished it for me. 

We have entered into this war for two reasons: 
First we were unwilling to stand by and allow 
other nations to be bled white or to be crippled 
and broken in the resistance they were offering 
to international lawlessness and crime and in the 
defense they were making for those principles of 
justice and freedom which are the glory of our 
own history. And in the second place, we have 
entered into this war because we would rather 
fight with our Allies than without them, and we do 
not desire an invading army here on our coasts, 
as they have had in Belgium and in the northern 
provinces of fair France. 

We are profoundly grateful here for the presence 
of that British fleet. Those ships which lie yonder 
by day and night, steam up, always at attention, 
grey, silent, invincible, keeping watch not only 
over those islands that built them and manned 
them, but keeping watch over the higher civilization 
of the world! We rejoice that they are there. 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 71 

And within a very few months after the beginning 
of the war all of the German ships, naval and mer- 
chant vessels, had ceased to sail the high seas. 
They were either tied up ingloriously at home 
or interned in foreign ports, or at the bottom of the 
ocean. The British fleet has seen to that, and the 
German navy, built up at a cost of hundreds of 
millions of dollars, has been doomed to spend all 
these years paddling to and fro in the muddy waters 
of the Kiel Canal like some lame domestic duck. 
We are :f-rateful for the presence of the British 
fleet, and we stand with those Allies, not to fight 
a battle of selfish imperialism but to fight with them 
as the British fleet itself fights, for the higher 
interests of the entire race. 

And as I go about — I have been speaking in 
more than a score of our military camps — I find 
the minds of our people are busy upon such ideas 
as these: Is might to be allowed to usurp tlie 
place of right? Is international good faith only 
an empty phrase to be trampled under foot by 
any nation at will, or is it a magnificent reality? 
Is that body of usages and agreements, slowly 
built up by centuries of effort, which constitute 
our international law, is that meant to be obeyed 
or meant to be tossed aside as only a scrap of paper? 
Is the whole world to be at the mercy of any mad 
military caste that may take it into its head to 
impose its will upon it, or is there a possibility of 
such a * 'world league of nations" as shall have 
both the mind and the power to keep the peace 
and good order of the world? These are the 
great moral ideas that are occupying the minds 
of our men and women in these serious times. 



72 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

I am not at all concerned as to whether our 
nation is strong enough. Our country will show! 
itself strong enough to bear herself with power by 
land and by sea and in the upper air. I am not 
disturbed as to whether or not our nation is rich 
enough to see this struggle through. It will cost, 
but as the call comes for Liberty Loans and for 
increased income taxes and for all the financial 
exactions of the war, the wealth of our land will 
not be withheld. I am confident that our young 
men who have donned the khaki or the blue at the 
call of the country will show themselves courageous 
as they line up with the young men of our honored 
Allies. I am mainly concerned that our country 
in this great issue may be good enough to accom- 
plish the purpose for which I believe it is called of 
God; that it may be good enough to have a large 
and honorable part in that world renewal which, 
please God, ought to follow upon all this agony 
and bloody sweat. And therefore I am praying that 
as we go forward to struggle and to suffer and to 
win victory, we may cast out of our own 
national life the greed and the lust, the falsity and 
inhimianity, so that with clean hands and pure 
hearts we may be ready to stand in that holy place 
and to have a part in so setting the world upon that 
basis of justice that v/ill stand. Then the peace 
will be, as our Chairman has said, a rational and 
a righteous peace. 

*Tf, drunk with sight of power, we loose 
Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe, 

Such boastings as the Gentiles use, 
Or lesser breeds without the law — 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 73 

Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet, 
Lest we forget — lest we forget. 

"Far called, our navies melt away; 

On dune and headland sinks the fire: 
Lo, all our pomp of yesterday 

Is one with Nineveh and Tyre! 
Judge of the nations, spare us yet, 
Lest we forget — lest we forget. 

"The tumult and the shouting dies; 

The captains and the kings depart; 
Still stands thine ancient sacrifice. 

An humble and a contrite heart. 
Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet. 
Lest we forget — lest we forget." 



NOTE BY THE EDITOR 

But our captains cannot "depart" until the Hohenzollern and some other 
Kings are hull down — dov/n on their way to St. Helena or some lonelier isle. 

The universal approval by the the Nation of President Wilson's response, 
October 14, 1918, to the "present German Government," is a proof that 
the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church audience, April 4, 1918, was a 
forecast of American opinion even three months before the delivery of 
the President's Mt. Vernon address. Dean Brown's audience applauded 
the sentiment of a personal punishment of the Kaiser befora the sentence 
was finished. 

See First Paragraph, page 68. 



ADDRESS BY 
TALCOTT WILLIAMS, LL.D. 

Columbia School of Journalism 

I SPEAK here as a layman, to urge upon you 
the moral aims of this war, as they have been 
shaped by the Church of Christ. We sit 
here, Christian men and women, in the house of 
God, to support those moral aims, to express them, 
and to see that they are executed. There has been 
much loose talk and some loose writing upon this 
great crisis during the last three and a half years. 
The Church of Christ has been silent and has not 
prescribed the path of the State. It is not llie 
business of the Church of Christ to govern.' Wlien- 
ever the Church has governed it has lost as a 
Church and it has failed as a government. The 
Church, as its Master said, is a leaven, which 
leavens the whole lump. It silently leavens the 
whole lump, till out of it comes the consciousness 
of moral aims, the conviction of moral duty, and 
the determination to execute both. This has been 
the office of the Church, to create through its 
influence a m^ighty, a free, and a fearless polity, 
which would execute moral aims through the sword 
of the magistrate, **not borne in vain." And this 
sword of the magistrate was never unsheathed for 
a fuller need, for a holier cause, or with the cer- 
tainty of more complete punishment upon the man 
of sin who has taught us in Belgium and in Northern 
France what the scripture meant when it spoke of 
the abomination of desolation. At every stage the 

74 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 75 

Church began the democracy, the only organism 

i/hich the world has known which knew neither 

*jreek nor Scythian, nor bond nor free, and out of 

hat democracy it leavened society, until freedom 

ame through law. But it was not the Church that 

rew the Bill of Rights or the Declaration of 

ndependence, or the Federal Constitution. None 

>ut Christian states have ever of their own instance 

b dished slavery. But it is not the Church which 

ook these steps, but the society which the Church 

Jiad leavened through its influence. And so at 

very stage it has come to pass that the Church 

ounds institutions, common education, colleges, 

versities, hospitals, and these are all in due 

'urn taken by the State which the Church has 

ducated. And today in this great war, let us 

hank God that a Christian people at every stage 

showing the education and the moral purpose of 

lie Christian Church which has educated it. Why 

5 it that our land for the first time in the history 

f war has sought to protect its sons from tempta- 

ion? Not because the Church enacted or executed 

his desire, but because the Church had taught 

he purity of its Master. And the Church has given 

o society the Red Cross of Calvary, as the badge 

*f its service. And it is because the leaven of the 

Christian Church has been felt through this nation, 

hat it steps forward today into the field of war to 

ninister and not to be ministered unto, to give its 

ons a ransom for many, to pass from the Geth- 

emane of the trench, over the top to the Calvary 

►f death and sacrifice, that humanity may be freed 

md the emancipation of nations from the sins of the 

)ast be completed by this redemptive office. This 



76 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

is the task which the Church has discharged, anc; 
to day the Church which began the great task hy\ 
leavening the nation until slavery was abolished^ 
turns to the two great aims of the future, the 
abolition of war, and the abolition of the king 
business, which in all ages has brought war. i 

By what power was it asserted that certain meri 
are set apart to rule over others, as it was asserteci 
half a century ago that certain races were set! 
apart to serve others? This country fought one) 
war in order that that heresy and impious and im-i 
moral assertion should be swept aside, but that no( 
race was made to serve others, and it won that wan 
And it has entered upon a war which proposes tc( 
abolish that other impious and immoral assertion 
that certain men and certain familiefe are set apart^ 
to rule others. And it will win that war. Since* 
war gave the first slave, and the first king gave the* 
first war, it purposes by abolishing kings andd 
bringing nations into a league for peace, to end wani 
for all time to come. And the United States and thd 
American people have stepped forward to discharg^i 
this great duty, these twin moral aims of the war;i 
not because the Church has executed its will orl 
enacted laws or sought to govern, or departed fronri 
the just duties of the Christian Church, but! 
because from the foundation of this nation it has' 
been leavened by churches like this, and by^ 
communities like that which sacrifices and worships! 
in this place, and has made the land a Christian! 
nation in peace, and a nation still more Christian 
in a righteous war. 

This land for the first time in the history of man 
enters upon a war of the Ten Commandments; wet 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 77 

ropose that never again shall one nation covet 
16 land of another, or seek to carry off its inhabi- 
ants to become man-servants and maid-servants, 
i^e intend that never again in history shall one 
ation bear false witness against another, as 
.ustria bore it against Serbia, and refused it the 
oor privilege of arbitration. We propose that 
iiirder by kings shall be ended, and the sixth 
onimandment enforced. We intend that the 
Bventh commandment, more foully broken in 
lis war than in any conflict of history, shall never 
gain be disregarded, by men, by a military caste 
r by a kaiser who uses even a breach of the seventh 
ommandment to intimidate the country which he 
as sought to murder. We propose that respect 
t)r age shall be enforced after a war in which the 
ged have been slaughtered as never before in a 
rar between civilized nations and barbarism. 
Ve propose a long sabbath of peace for mankind. 
Ve intend once for all that never again shall a 
aiser take God's name in vain. 

We propose that the idol of autocracy shall be 
(lattered, and that from some Sinai of Liberty 
he voice of God shall be again heard, saying, *T am 
he Lord thy God, which brought thee out of the 
esert of autocracy to the promised land of liberty. 
I'hou shalt have no other God but me — the God 
f democracy and freedom, of righteousness and 
ustice, and of peace forevermore." 



THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 
AN ADDRESS BY THE 

HON. THEODORE MARBURG, LL.D. 

Ex-Ambassador to Belgium 

THE League to Enforce Peace has had z 
mighty accession of strength in you gentle-: 
men. Our chivalrous friend, Henry van 
D3^ke, in one of his allegories portrays the angels in 
heaven pondering the evils of the world. Urie'i 
asserts that it is lack of knowledge that explains thei 
existence of evil. He is reminded of the peoples whc\ 
have had great learning and yet practiced unspeak<j 
able oppression and injustice. The Archangel! 
Michael asserts that power is the thing that ia 
needed to set right the wrong. His attention in turn^ 
is called to the nations who have had great power! 
and used it cruelly. At that moment a little figurei 
comes floating through the air with palpitating 
hands crying, **I know, I know, it's love." And thei 
Christ Child drops to earth that Christmas morn,i| 
the angels streaming down after Him jewels froiw 
a dark blue sky. 

Love, affection, humane qualities are at the 
foundation of progress, the very condition of 
progress. The accession of you gentlemen to this 
movement is absolutely essential if a league is 
to succeed. We have got not only to set up the 
organization; we have got to have the spirit i 
which will lead men to apply the machinery which' 
is given to them. 

78 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 79 

But it isn't love alone that will do it. 
This tremendous catastrophe with all its con- 
fusion through which we are passing has brought 
out several things very clearly. One is the 
bankruptcy of education without the spirit. 
Prussia was the earliest of the countries to apply 
universal, compulsory education. 

It has brought out, secondly, the bankruptcy 

, of power without the spirit. Germany represents 
the greatest military power of our times, probably 
of all times. She is engaged today in tearing 
down the fair mansion of right thinking and of 
right doing; she is suffering frightfully and will 
suffer more. On the other hand, turn to Russia 

' and you see what happens when men attempt 
to apply the ideal without organization. Russia 
is an example of the effect of Tolstoi's teachings 
of absolute non-resistance. You remember he 
said that if you change from the despotic to the 

] democratic form of government you are only 
changing the men whom you place over you to rob 

\ you and oppress you. What he believed in was 
no government. It is curious how a mind so 
big as his could read history and reach that con- 
clusion. 

Just as Russia is an example of what happens 
within the State without organization, so this 
great world war is an example of what happens 
between States without organization. 

I recall in April, 1916, telling Sir Edward Grey 
how he enjoyed the universal respect of the 
people of this country; how we felt that he had 
stood for what was decent in international affairs, 
had stood for right, and endeavored to prevent 



80 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

war, endeavored to prevent this war. It was in 
that handsome but plain room of his at the Foreign 
Office in Downing Street. I shall never forget 
the thoughtful look in his eyes when he answered, 
"Yes, but when one has tried to prevent war and 
failed" — and there he stopped. But, Sir Edward 
Grey could not have prevented this war. There is 
not anything he could have done that v/ould have 
prevented this war short of telling Germany that 
if she persisted in bringing it on she would find 
England by the side of France and Russia. And 
this he could not say because the English people 
were not ready to follow him in sucli a step at that 
moment. It was not until the purpose of Germany 
was revealed — revealed as by a flash of lightning 
at midnight — by the invasion of Belgium, that the 
English people lined up solidly behind him. The 
Kaiser had made up his mind that the time had 
come to set in motion once again that tremendous 
military machinery which Prussia and Germany had 
been building up for two generations, ever since Bis- 
marck was old enough to form a policy. In the 
whole of history no man has ever made such a 
mistake as the German Kaiser. Milton pictured 
such a mistake on the part of an angel v/hen he 
described Satan's revolt in heaven, but you may 
search the annals of men in vain for a parallel. 

Ever^^thing was Germany's. She had a treaty 
with Belgium by which she used the port of Ant- 
werp as if it were her own; she had a similar 
treaty v/ith Holland giving to her the use of Rotter- 
dam and Amsterdam. These treaties gave her 
the right at the sam.e time to use the railroads 
without discrimination. Her goods flowed bactr 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 81 

and forth through these ports as freely as if they 
^ere German ports. That, in addition to her ov/n 
p-eat ports of Hamburg and Bremen! Her flag, 
is you know, was on every sea. The EngHsh 
empire, with the exception of the self-governing 
;olonies which had set up a small differential in 
avor of the mother country, opened its doors 
IS freely to the German merchant as to its own 
lationals. In its final analysis, Germany's ob- 
ection to the English fleet is that it has stood in 
he v/ay of German ambition, and thank God 
t has. 

I take it, gentlemen, that we are here to deliber- 
ite together, and not to speechmake. The idea of 
hese meetings, as I understand it, is to clear up 
[uestions about this important movement in which 
7e are engaged, the double object of which is to 
waken the moral forces of the country in earnest 
upport of the war and to promote the cause of 
7orld organization. You recall Plato's definition 
f the free man as he who has sufficient control 
ver his appetites to be governed by reason in 
hoosing between good and evil. What nation is 
ee in that sense to-day? What one of them but 
^ould lay down the burden of armaments if it were 
ee to do so? Freedom is secured only by a sur- 
snder of license. The one license which we 
emand that nations shall surrender is the license 
D go to war at v/ill. That is at the bottom of the 
■eague's program. 

This movement has gone on simultaneously in 
le United States, in England, in France, and in 
le small neutral countries. In England you have 
ord Bryce's group and the League of Nations 



82 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

Society, the Fabian group and the Union of Demo-I 
cratic Control, all working out plans; in America 
the League to Enforce Peace. The group ol 
neutral nations is under the leadership of the 
Central Organization for a Durable Peace, with 
headquarters at The Hague. 

The fundamental element of all those plans is 
that no nation may go to war without submitting 
its dispute for preliminary inquiry. You ask what 
good that is going to do. Now, some of you ma>; 
have read that report of James R. Garfield, as 
Secretary of Commerce and Labor — one of the 
ablest State papers since Alexander Hamilton's' 
report on the condition of the treasury — in which it 
appears very clearly that mere inquiry, bringing! 
out the facts, serves not only to correct illegali 
practices but even unjust practices not covered 
by the law. Publicity is the thing we are after: 
That is to say, laying the facts not only before the 
world, but before the people of the country which! 
is expected to fight. 

There is also a movement in America based uponi 
the idea of voluntary institutions, an idea which! 
many of us followed before this war. Its followers 
assert that public opinion, and not force, is the 
all-important thing. They forget that, while laws 
cannot be enforced without the support of public 
opinion, it is public opinion plus the law and the 
sheriff that insures justice and order within the 
State. When this war began many men felt that 
the time had come to introduce force into inter-r 
national institutions. We had seen the various 
institutions at The Hague working very well up tc 
a certain point. The Permanent Court of Arbi- 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 83 

tration, the International Commission of Inquiry, 
Mediation and Arbitrations specially instituted, 
had all done good work; but they were not able 
to prevent this war. 

Now, it has been suggested that these tv/o move- 
ments should be united, but — well, when the old 
Southern judge had made up his mind that Ephraim 
v/as guilty of borrowing those neighbors' chickens, 
he said to him, ''What I cannot understand is how 
you got those chickens with two fierce dogs in the 
yard and a man upstairs with a loaded gun." And 
the darkey replied, ** 'Deed, Jedge, dere's no use 
my telling you; you couldn't learn to do it. Jedge, 
you'd better continue to buy your chickens in de 
market like an honest man and confine your ras- 
cality to de bench where you am at home." Now, 
there was grave danger of confusing the two move- 
ments and we felt that it was much better for 
our respective groups to confine their rascalities to 
their respective fields. The program of the 
World's Court League we accept wholly but they 
do not accept our program wholly; they do not 
accept this element of force in international insti- 
tutions. That element, force, has been accepted 
by President Wilson, who has been the foremost 
and most effective single leader in the world in this 
movement. With his insight into political insti- 
tutions, his ripe knowledge of history, and the 
ability to discern great world currents, he has 
expressed it with a power and eloquence such as 
, J no man has, or mayhap could have, displayed. We 
; are each fond of our own way of expressing things, 
but we must all recognize in him a master of style 



84 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

His support caused the whole world to pay atten- 
tion to the project. 

Then we have Sir Edward Grey anticipating 
Mr, Wilson in supporting it publicly. We had 
M. Briand, the French Prime Minister, accepting 
it. Even the Imperial German Chancellor, von 
Bethman-Hollweg, forgetting that it was his 
country which brought about this sea of blood, 
talked in hypocritical fashion about the world 
being so surfeited with blood that it would be sure 
to set up such a league after the war. Only yes- 
terday, however, the dispatches reported Ger- 
many semi-officially disclaiming any faith in a 
league of nations, asserting that it would deceive 
men and that in time they would come to curse it. 
What does that mean? It means just what Ger- 
many's behavior in opposing the organization of a 
rudimentary world machinery for years has meant; 
it means that she intends to go on with aggression. 
That is why she has got to be put down. And 
Germany can't win this war, gentlemen. To say 
that she can would be to deny that reason orders 
the universe. It would be to enthrone unreason. 
Wrong often triumphs locally; wrong universally 
recognized as wrong cannot triumph ^ 

We have got to win this war; and one way to win 
it is to bring back Russia to our side. How are 
you going to do it? Not by putting money into 
the hands of a government which we know does 
not represent anything like the majority of the 
Russian people — an active minority of the worst, 
misruling an apathetic majority! It seems futile 
to attempt to organize Russia under them. What 
we have got to do is to introduce the Allied Army 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 85 

under the leadership of faithful Japan. The other 
Allies can easily be represented by small forces 
so as to make that army international. We can 
proclaim, as the United States did when it declared 
war on Spain, that we mean to quit when it is over. 
And the United States did quit. It kept its word. 
Back of that wall of steel we could then organize 
in Russia the men who stand for constitutional 
government and decency. This is a cheap crew 
paid by Germany which is running Russia now. 

I recommend to you gentlemen that you examine 
the program of the League to Enforce Peace. 
The question is asked as to whether the proposed 
machinery is being worked out in detail. Yes, 
both private and public groups are at work on it. 
A private study group in America has framed an 
actual draft convention, and President Wilson has 
designated Colonel House to take up the work offici- 
ally . The French Government has likewise appointed 
an official committee with such men as Leon 
Bourgeois and Louis Renault as m.embers. The 
EngHsh Government is studying the question. 
Then, too, I have word that the neutral countries 
are examining officially the subject of a draft 
convention; so that there is no lack of application 
to the problem of machinery. 

Briefly, this machinery will probably consist 
of a ministry of a few men who will sit constantly 
at some small capital of Europe, watching inter- 
national events; men like Mr. Taft, like Sir 
Edward Grey, like Count Albert Apponyi of 
Hungary, men who are not at present in office 
but have held important office in the past, who 
can measure the effect. Had we had such men during 



86 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

the past century sitting together and watching 
international developments in Europe, would 
we not have witnessed fewer wars? 

Next, there is to be a true Court composed of 
judges by profession, leaning on precedent, building 
up the law just as the great common law of England 
was built up. Moreover, the very existence of 
this Court would invite the codification of certain 
spheres of international law. 

There will also be a Council of Conciliation to 
deal with questions of political conflict, which 
cannot be dealt with by a Court. And there will 
be a quasi-legislature which will make laws *'ad 
referendum." The world is not ready for a super- 
state; we can only set up a legislature whose acts 
shall be law unless they are denied within a speci- 
fied period by the States of the League. 

INDEX 

Bolshevikism and autocracy both expressions of perverted power 
(p. 79-85). The Kaiser's mistaka (p. 80). Antwerp, before the war, a 
German port by treaty with Belgium; Rotterdam and Amsterdam also 
(p. 80). Every English port also (p.81). Objection to English fleet its 
opposition to Germany's ambition (p. 81). 

"The League to Enforce Peace needs the interest of the clergy (pp. 78-85). 

A limitation of sovereignty at base of League (p. 81). National groups 
at work on idea (pp. 81, 82, 84, 85). Invokes the power of publicity 
(p. 80). Differs from World's Court League by invoking force in addition 
(pp. 82, 83). The mechanism (pp. 85, 86). 



THE CHURCHES AND THE LIBERTY LOAN 

AN ADDRESS BY 

MR. GUY EMERSON 

Publicity Director, Liberty Loans, Second Federal 
Reserve District 

IT may possibly seem a little odd to you that 
one engaged in a financial operation should con- 
sider himself working for the moral aims of the 
war. And yet we should not have been able to 
i^icrease the bondholders of the United States in 
two brief campaigns of 30 days each from something 
like 350,000 to nearly 10,000,000 if the work had 
not been based upon inspiration and upon Christian 
effort, and not simply upon a desire for gain on the 
part of those who bought United States Govern- 
ment bonds. 

Ma^iy of the clergy have sometimes said to us in 
the past, and I am glad to say the remote past, that 
they considered this a financial operation, and con- 
sequently it was a job primarily for bankers. 
Ladies and gentlemen, it is not a financial trans- 
action; it is a transaction which has to do with the 
stimulation, the organization of the morale of a 
whole people in a righteous cause. 

Not many months ago I heard in this place a 
veteran of this war who spoke of personal experience 
at the front. He had been wounded, and he came 
here to tell, in a simple straightforward manner, 

87 



S8 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

of his experiences in France. I was not looking 
at the rest of the people present, but I think I am 
safe in saying that there was not a dry eye in this 
church. I am not coming to you in these serious 
times with a financial story. I am coming because 
I firmly believe that those of us v/ho are working; 
here at hom.e are on the firing line, and without 
the work of us here, the men in France cannot win 
the victory that we must have. 

The Third Liberty Loan will start on Saturday. 
We have been preparing for it for nearly a year. 
The first Liberty Loan was part of our preparation, 
the work went on without interruption until the 
Second Liberty Loan, and at the close of the 
Second Liberty Loan the work has continued upj 
to the present moment, when we believe that we!| 
are prepared to offer the co-operation, the sugges- 
tions for organization, which will bring this loan 
through to an overwhelming oversubscription. 
This is impossible, however, without the co-opera- 
tion of the Church. I say that because the sale of 
these bonds is not emphasized in our propaganda 
to a very large extent. Not very long ago a pro- 
minent banker came into our office and asked 
particularly to see our advertisements. During 
the period of the Liberty Loan campaigns we used 
in this district great quantities of advertising 
which is contributed to the Government by 
patriotic firms and corporations all over the 
district. I gladly produced the advertising copy 
which we had prepared, and he looked it over with 
extreme care. In fact I was greatly surprised that a 
banker should be so much interested in advertising 
copy. Finally he finished looking it through, and 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 89 

he turned to me and said, **It is amazing to me 
that when I finished reading this copy I have an 
impulse to buy bonds, and yet I have to remind 
myself that this is really a financial transaction." 
I responded to him that after all it was not a 
financial transaction: it was a transaction which is 
part and parcel of the stimxUlation of the morale 
of the whole people. 

The details of the co-operation between the 
Liberty Loan Committee and the Church have been 
outlined to you before. They have been made the 
subject of a pamphlet which has been placed in 
the hands of the clergy throughout this district, 
and it would be out of place to go into those details 
here. The only point, the only message that I 
could possibly have for you is to emphasize over 
and over again the fact that the winning of this 
war does not depend on money, on ships, on men. 
It depends on the enthusiasm, the deep convictions 
expressed in terms of unified national action, to 
back up our soldiers and sailors. 

I was very much interested not long ago in con- 
nection with preparing a booklet for our women's 
committee, to read the story of a woman who had 
been in France, who had met General Pershing, 
and v/ho had talked with some of our soldiers who 
are now in the first line trenches. She said that 
she found no trace anywhere of uncertainty on the 
part of the soldiers in France. One man said to 
her ''Why, we'll win through if the folks at home 
stand by us." She talked to General Pershing, 
she talked to many of the staff officers, and she 
was deeply impressed with one statement that was 
made to her with regard to the number of letters 



90 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

from home that come to the soldiers each day. 
They come in thousands, mostly from mothers. 
Possibly on a particular day it may fall to the duty 
of those men to go over the top. Those generals 
pointed out to her that very often in a battle the 
morale of the respective forces turns the tide of 
victory or defeat, and that that morale may be 
made up of some five or ten per cent, on one side 
or the other. Let us suppose that fifty thousand 
letters are received in one army division in a day, 
and let us suppose that fifteen per cent, of those 
letters are complaining or gloomy, expressing the 
wish that the man at the front would come back 
home. The depressing effect is very easy to 
imagine; and this woman stated to me personally 
that those generals were willing to tell her without 
qualification that many a battle rested almost en- 
tirely as to its final outcome in the hands of the 
mothers of America. That brings us very close 
to the firing line. 

In selling Liberty Bonds we are winning the 
war. We don't talk very much about the interest. 
The interest rate is high. The bonds are security. 
You are guaranteed 100 cents on the dollar, but 
all that is largely beside the point. The main 
point is that there is a direct unbroken connection 
between the purchaser of a bond and the men in the 
trenches. 

Just as I was leaving my office to come here 
there was laid on my desk the proof of an advertise- 
ment to be used on the sixth of April, the an- 
niversary of the day that we entered this righteous 
war. It seemed to me to illustrate very fully the 
message that I have to bring to you tonight, and 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 91 

I am going to run it over, because it will give you 
a little advance information of the keynotes of 
this campaign and the general lines upon which the 
appeal that we will make and that you will make 
will go forth to many millions of people. We 
take as our text the very famous, probably the 
most famous speech that was ever made in this 
country. 

"On November 19, 1863, Abraham Lincoln 
made an immortal speech on the battlefield 
of Gettysburg. His words ring as clear and as 
true today, line for line, a message to Americans 
at war, as they did when he spoke them so eloquently 
more than half a century ago. Let us apply these 
words to ourselves. 

"Our fathers," he said, ''brought forth a 
nation conceived in liberty. Our soldiers gave 
their lives that that nation might live. The 
world will little note nor long remember what 
we say here, but it can never forget what they 
did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be 
dedicated here to the unfinished work which 
they who fought here have thus far so nobly 
advanced. It is rather for us to be here 
dedicated to the great task remaining before 
us, that from these honored dead we take 
increased devotion to that cause for which they 
gave the last full measure of devotion; that 
we here highly resolve that these dead shall 
not have died in vain; that this nation, under 
God, shall have a new birth of freedom." 

On April 6, 1918, let us dedicate ourselves anew 
to the great task we have in hand. The flower 



92 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

of America is in France. They offer for us the 
last full measure of devotion. Let us be with them 
in our thoughts, our work, every hour of every day, 
until they com.e home to us victorious. And let 
us remember that the world will little note what 
we say here, but what we do here counts. Liberty 
Bonds will help to save the lives of our men in France 
and on the sea. Let us roll up a subscription 
that will set the world on fire. Let us make the 
victory swift and sure. Some of these boys will 
not return to us, but our overwhelming offering of 
dollars to our country will show the world that we 
shall not turn back, that we have resolved and 
acted on that high resolve, that these dead shall not 
have died in vain." 



II 

AN ADDRESS BY 
MR. BROOKS LEAVITT 

Publicity Chief, Division of Churches, Second Federal 
Reserve District 

MAY I take you into the confidence of the 
Liberty Loan Committee for a few 
minutes with regard to our plans, so far as 
those plans have to deal with church activity. We 
want every man in this profession to regard him- 
self as an ex-officio member of this conuiiittee. The 
previous Liberty Loan Committees have been 
admirably supported by the clergy and by the 
church people generally, but there has been no 
wide concerted movement to get the ministers to 
Unction as one great organization! That is what 
we are trying to bring about. 

The plan which we have sent out to you within 
the last two or three days explains in considerable 
detail what we would like to have you do so far as 
that plan is applicable to your own peculiar local 
situations. It is not inelastic. It can be added 
to by any features that occur to you as particularly 
likely to produce results. You can take away a 
little bit if it does not fit in with your usual pro- 
cedure. But we believe that in very large measure 
you will find it possible to adopt the entire plan. 

It is hardly necessary to discuss at a meeting 
arranged by this organization and for this purpose, 
the reason why we decided to invite the clergy to 

93 



i 



94 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 



participate in mobilizing all the religious forces in 
aid of this Liberty Loan, because one of the first 
things that we have got to do, we people back 
home, if we can't fight, is, we have got to pay. 
Now, of course, there is no profession in our coun- 
try or anywhere else that has so much to do with 
making of public sentiment as has the clergy. 
The Church has been traditionally the leader not 
only of spiritual opinion but of political and social 
opinion as well. And realizing the tremendous 
potential power which was yet untapped, we 
decided to invite the clergy to come into this cam- 
paign, not haphazardly and as each individual 
might think it wise to do, but as a body, and as a 
profession and as a religious people. 

We have decided also that the previous cam- 
paigns have lacked color and beauty and music, and 
those other subtle appeals to the sensibilities 
which are kindred to religion and to patriotism, 
and one of the things that we want to stress very 
much in this campaign is music. We have written, 
or rather, there has been written and submitted 
to us, a very beautiful piece of typical church 
music entitled 'The Liberty Anthem." It has 
been given to us by the author, who makes it a 
stipulation that not a cent shall be made out of 
this anthem by anybody; so it is not to be sold, but 
it is to be given away, not distributed promis- 
cuously, but given to those who will use it, and, of 
course, we give it to the churches first, and ask 
that they sing it at every service during the cam- 
paign, and that their congregations participate. 
You have received five copies, if those are not 
enough, ask for more. We are going to send you 



THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 95 

the words printed on slips. Put these in the pews, 
if you do not object, and let the congregation learn 
to sing this anthem, and sing it every Sunday at 
the morning service. 

Another thing I don't want to miss is the special 
musical feature for Liberty Loan Sunday, which 
has been design^ated for April 21st. We ask you 
to request your choirs — the weather will be prob- 
ably favorable at this time of the year — and 
invite your congregations to gather in front of the 
church on the sidewalk, or the church porch, and 
there to sing "America" and 'The Star Spangled 
Banner" and 'The Liberty Anthem," and anything 
else you may want to sing. And if in New York 
City that plan is carried out unanimously, if the 
windows are up on that day, as they probably 
will be, there won't be a man, woman, or child, in 
this entire city, who won't know that the Liberty 
Campaign is on, and that the churches are leading 
it. And it doesn't cost a cent. There are hun- 
dreds of features being put over that are expensive, 
that cost money. This thing doesn't cost any- 
thing but application and energy and an interest 
in the cause. It is very, very simple. 

We have a pantomine which has been arranged 
for the Sunday-School children. Also a card 
showing, on one side, General Allenby entering 
Jerusalem on foot, and on the other the contrasting 
entry of the Germans into Belgium. This card 
is to be distributed to the children so the children 
will go home and ask questions. There is nothing 
more productive of results in a family than ques- 
tions by the children. We want this loan talked 
about in the homes. How could you effect this 



96 THE MORAL AIMS OF THE WAR 

better than by the introduction of this subject 
through the children, in whom the home is most 
interested, and for whose protection this war is 
being fought. We are going to ask you to produce 
this pantomine on the 21st of April, or if that time 
is not convenient, to produce it one week later. 
It is very simple, adapted to any size Simday- 
School. The properties can be found in any garret 
or country dry-goods store, for that matter. It 
is very easily produced and we hope you will all 
try it. But remember this, that you are all con- 
sidered to be members of the Liberty Loan Com- 
mittee. We look to you for the greatest movement, 
emotionally and religiously, the greatest movement 
of leadership, which this country has seen in its 
patriotic awakening. 

Printed in the United States of America, 



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